Saturday, June 26, 2010
It needed to be said
The World's Smallest Political Quiz (and the diamond-shaped model that is connected with it) may be far better than the political spectrum, but it is still misleading. I do not know whether it is a cause of the problem or it is simply related to the cause of the problem, but its lessons on the conservative positions on "social" or "personal" issues are similar to conclusions that have warped even many conservatives' understanding of those issues. The divide between social and economic issues tracks the split between the constituencies that are interested in each type of issue. There is no general rule (nor should there be) that the conservative position on social or "personal" issues is defined by the willingness to use force.
Monday, June 21, 2010
If it interests you
If you are interested in the origin of the Twelve Points, read this post from InTheAgora.com . As I have written before, the Twelve Points were an update to the Seven Points of Grand Old Cause at Indiana University, and they were partly inspired by Young Americans for Freedom's Sharon Statement. This post, however, shows the kind of problem I was trying to address, and my comment on it offers a little insight into what I wanted the First Point to accomplish for the conservative movement. It was around that time that I finally decided to write the Twelve Points.
I do not and did not agree 100% with everyone quoted in the post, but over all, the post references challenges faced by the conservative community which still need to be confronted and resolved.
I do not and did not agree 100% with everyone quoted in the post, but over all, the post references challenges faced by the conservative community which still need to be confronted and resolved.
Sunday, June 13, 2010
Important Posts
Over the past eleven months, I have written numerous explanations for my decision to write and promote the Twelve Points, along with thoughts on the future of the conservative movement and other related ideas. Below are links to some of the more important of these.
The Theme
The Twelve Points
Why the Twelve Points Are Needed -- Relatively Long Version
Why the Twelve Points Are Needed -- Short Version
Memory
The Twelve Points Are Unique
Conservatism: Many Principles, One Philosophy
The Twelve Points -- Just the Points
"Up To Speed"
We Can Make This Happen
All the Pure, Concentrated Conservatism that Five Pages Can Hold
Origin of the Twelve Points
No Ordinary Year
165 Sub-Points
The Purpose of the Twelve Points as a Definitive Statement of Conservative Principles
Americans Still Have Responsibilities Under the Constitution
The Idea of Conservatism, Which I Believe Is Well-Expressed By the Twelve Points, Too
The First Point
Another Discussion of the Division of Conservatives
Small-Government Conservatives and Conservative Principles Survived
Misunderstandings Concerning the Conservative Position on the Judicial Branch
Definitive Statements of Conservative Principles: the Text, Not the Test
They Are Not Conservatives
The Only Statement of Conservative Principles We Need?
One Year Ago
On Social Conservatism
Links Relating to Freedom
On the Uses of a Bill of Rights
Recurrence to Fundamental Principles
Among Other Things
One of Many Questions
The Theme
The Twelve Points
Why the Twelve Points Are Needed -- Relatively Long Version
Why the Twelve Points Are Needed -- Short Version
Memory
The Twelve Points Are Unique
Conservatism: Many Principles, One Philosophy
The Twelve Points -- Just the Points
"Up To Speed"
We Can Make This Happen
All the Pure, Concentrated Conservatism that Five Pages Can Hold
Origin of the Twelve Points
No Ordinary Year
165 Sub-Points
The Purpose of the Twelve Points as a Definitive Statement of Conservative Principles
Americans Still Have Responsibilities Under the Constitution
The Idea of Conservatism, Which I Believe Is Well-Expressed By the Twelve Points, Too
The First Point
Another Discussion of the Division of Conservatives
Small-Government Conservatives and Conservative Principles Survived
Misunderstandings Concerning the Conservative Position on the Judicial Branch
Definitive Statements of Conservative Principles: the Text, Not the Test
They Are Not Conservatives
The Only Statement of Conservative Principles We Need?
One Year Ago
On Social Conservatism
Links Relating to Freedom
On the Uses of a Bill of Rights
Recurrence to Fundamental Principles
Among Other Things
One of Many Questions
The Ninth Amendment
A few weeks ago, I posted a synthesis of three American Revolution-era declarations of rights, then updated it with language from the Massachusetts Constitution's original declaration of rights and a passage from the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union. The following version now also includes material from the Northwest Ordinance of 1787.
XIX. That no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles.
XX. That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator and the manner of discharging it, can be directed by reason and conviction, not by force or violence; and therefore, all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; and that none shall be hurt, molested, or restrained, in his person, liberty, or estate, for worshipping God in the manner and season most agreeable to the dictates of his own conscience ; or for his religious profession of sentiments, provided he doth not disturb the public peace, or obstruct others in their religious worship.
XXI. That the people have a right to keep and to bear arms for the common defence.
XXII. That the privilege and benefit of the writ of habeas corpus shall be enjoyed in this commonwealth, in the most free, easy, cheap, expeditious, and ample manner ; and shall not be suspended by the legislature, except upon the most urgent and pressing occasions, and for a limited time, not exceeding twelve months.
XXIII. That laws made to punish for actions done before the existence of such laws, and which have not been declared crimes by preceding laws, are unjust, oppressive, and inconsistent with the fundamental principles of a free government; that no subject ought, in any case, or in any time, to be declared guilty of treason or felony by the legislature.
XXIV. That the legislature ought frequently to assemble for the redress of grievances, for correcting, strengthening, and confirming the laws, and for making new laws, as the common good may require.
XXV. That the freedom of deliberation , speech, and debate, in either house of the legislature, is so essential to the rights of the people, that it cannot be the foundation of any accusation or prosecution, action or complaint, in any other court or place whatsoever.
XXVI. In no case shall nonresident proprietors be taxed higher than residents. The navigable waters leading into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be common highways and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of the said territory as to the citizens of the United States, and those of any other States that may be admitted into the union, without any tax, impost, or duty therefor.
XXVII. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.
I. We hold these Truths to be Self-Evident, that all men are created equal; that equals, by their nature, should be independent and free; that by this gift of equal creation, they are endowed by their Creator with rights both inherent and unalienable; that these rights, though often violated, and though sometimes deprecated by agreements or by pretense of right, may never be divested or extinguished; that these rights forbid intrusions on life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that they include the rights of self-defense and of the lawful acquisition, continued possession, and enjoyment and protection of property; that the American people have never, nor could they ever have, ceded or renounced these rights.
II. That when English settlers founded what became our first states, they were, at that time, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects within the realm of England; that by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants and descendants' peers are now are entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them, as their local and other circumstances, including American sovereignty and Independence, enable them to exercise and enjoy; that American citizens in every part of the United States are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of natural born citizens.
III. That the foundation of English and American liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council; and that when the people cannot be properly be represented in that council, they are entitled to make the arrangements they need in order to exercise that right by some other means, particularly with respect to legislation of all cases of taxation and internal polity.
IV. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen and Americans, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally, or by their representatives; that all supplies to the government being free gifts of the people, it is unreasonable and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of our constitutions for any number of the people to grant to the government the property of anyone else.
V. That the members of the legislative and executive branches should, at fixed periods, be reduced to a private station, return into that body from which they were originally taken, and the vacancies be supplied by frequent, certain, and regular elections in which all, or any part of the former members, to be again eligible, or ineligible, as the laws shall direct; that elections of members to serve as representatives of the people in assembly ought to be free; that all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community have the right of suffrage, an equal right to elect officers, and to be elected, for public employments, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses without their own consent or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner, assented, for the public good; and that each individual of the society has a right to be protected by it in the enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property, according to standing laws.
VI. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from, the people; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them; that government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation or community; of all the various modes and forms of government that is best, which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety and is most effectually secured against the danger of maladministration; and that, whenever any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.
VII. That no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services; which, not being descendible, neither ought the offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge be hereditary.
VIII. That the people of the United States are entitled to the tradition of the common law, and more especially to the great and inestimable right of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law; that in controversies respecting property and in suits between man and man, the ancient trial by jury is preferable to any other and ought to be held sacred; that every citizen of the United States ought to find a certain remedy, by having recourse to the laws, for all injuries or wrongs which he may receive in his person, property, or character; that he ought to obtain right and justice freely and without purchase, completely and without denial, promptly and without delay, conformably to the laws; that in all capital or criminal prosecutions a man hath a right to demand and have described to him, fully and plainly, substantially and formally, the cause and nature of his accusation, to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his favor, to be fully heard in his defence by himself, or his counsel, at his election, and to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty; nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself; that in criminal prosecutions, the verification of facts in the vicinity where they happen, is one of the greatest securities of the life, liberty, and property of the citizen; that no man be arrested, miprisoned, despoiled, or deprived of his property, immunities, or privileges, put out of the protection of the law, exiled, or deprived of his life, liberty, or estate, except by the law of the land or the judgement of his peers.
IX. That excessive bail ought not to be required; nor excessive fines imposed, which shall instead be moderate; nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
X. That every inhabitant of the United States has the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures of his person, his houses, his papers, and all his possessions, and so general warrants, whereby any officer or messenger may be commanded to search suspected places without evidence of a fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, or whose offense is not particularly described and supported by evidence, are grievous, oppressive, and illegal and ought not to be granted.
XI. That the people of the United States are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes, as existed at the time of English settlement of the American colonies; and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances, and which they have supplemented with their own statutes and fundamental laws.
XII. That they are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges that were granted and confirmed to them by royal charters or that have been secured by the United States Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, the several declarations of rights asserted by the colonists, or the several states' constitutions and codes.
XIII. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition or address the government in the manner of their choice; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal; that the freedom of the press is one of the greatest bulwarks of liberty and can never be restrained but by despotic governments.
XIV. That a well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defense of a free state; that standing armies, in time of peace, should be avoided as dangerous to liberty; and that, in all cases, the military should be under strict subordination to, and be governed by, the civil power; that the keeping of a Standing army in these states in times of peace is against law.
XV. It is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the English and American constitutions alike, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other; that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power in these states, by any council appointed during pleasure, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation; that the legislative and executive powers of the state should be separate and distinct from the judicative; that all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority without consent of the representatives of the people is injurious to their rights and ought not to be exercised.
XVI. That the extension of the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond their ancient limits has a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of Americans; that no person can in any case be subject to law-martial, or to any penalties or pains, by virtue of that law, except those employed in the army or navy, and except the militia in actual service, but by authority of the legislature..
XVII. That the people have a right to uniform government; and therefore, that no government separate from, or independent of, the governments of the several states or a duly constituted government of the United States, ought to be erected or established within the limits thereof.
XVIII. The people of each State shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any State, to any other State, of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any State, on the property of the United States, or either of them.
II. That when English settlers founded what became our first states, they were, at that time, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects within the realm of England; that by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants and descendants' peers are now are entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them, as their local and other circumstances, including American sovereignty and Independence, enable them to exercise and enjoy; that American citizens in every part of the United States are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of natural born citizens.
III. That the foundation of English and American liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council; and that when the people cannot be properly be represented in that council, they are entitled to make the arrangements they need in order to exercise that right by some other means, particularly with respect to legislation of all cases of taxation and internal polity.
IV. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen and Americans, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally, or by their representatives; that all supplies to the government being free gifts of the people, it is unreasonable and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of our constitutions for any number of the people to grant to the government the property of anyone else.
V. That the members of the legislative and executive branches should, at fixed periods, be reduced to a private station, return into that body from which they were originally taken, and the vacancies be supplied by frequent, certain, and regular elections in which all, or any part of the former members, to be again eligible, or ineligible, as the laws shall direct; that elections of members to serve as representatives of the people in assembly ought to be free; that all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community have the right of suffrage, an equal right to elect officers, and to be elected, for public employments, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses without their own consent or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner, assented, for the public good; and that each individual of the society has a right to be protected by it in the enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property, according to standing laws.
VI. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from, the people; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them; that government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation or community; of all the various modes and forms of government that is best, which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety and is most effectually secured against the danger of maladministration; and that, whenever any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.
VII. That no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services; which, not being descendible, neither ought the offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge be hereditary.
VIII. That the people of the United States are entitled to the tradition of the common law, and more especially to the great and inestimable right of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law; that in controversies respecting property and in suits between man and man, the ancient trial by jury is preferable to any other and ought to be held sacred; that every citizen of the United States ought to find a certain remedy, by having recourse to the laws, for all injuries or wrongs which he may receive in his person, property, or character; that he ought to obtain right and justice freely and without purchase, completely and without denial, promptly and without delay, conformably to the laws; that in all capital or criminal prosecutions a man hath a right to demand and have described to him, fully and plainly, substantially and formally, the cause and nature of his accusation, to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his favor, to be fully heard in his defence by himself, or his counsel, at his election, and to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty; nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself; that in criminal prosecutions, the verification of facts in the vicinity where they happen, is one of the greatest securities of the life, liberty, and property of the citizen; that no man be arrested, miprisoned, despoiled, or deprived of his property, immunities, or privileges, put out of the protection of the law, exiled, or deprived of his life, liberty, or estate, except by the law of the land or the judgement of his peers.
IX. That excessive bail ought not to be required; nor excessive fines imposed, which shall instead be moderate; nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
X. That every inhabitant of the United States has the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures of his person, his houses, his papers, and all his possessions, and so general warrants, whereby any officer or messenger may be commanded to search suspected places without evidence of a fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, or whose offense is not particularly described and supported by evidence, are grievous, oppressive, and illegal and ought not to be granted.
XI. That the people of the United States are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes, as existed at the time of English settlement of the American colonies; and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances, and which they have supplemented with their own statutes and fundamental laws.
XII. That they are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges that were granted and confirmed to them by royal charters or that have been secured by the United States Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, the several declarations of rights asserted by the colonists, or the several states' constitutions and codes.
XIII. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition or address the government in the manner of their choice; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal; that the freedom of the press is one of the greatest bulwarks of liberty and can never be restrained but by despotic governments.
XIV. That a well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defense of a free state; that standing armies, in time of peace, should be avoided as dangerous to liberty; and that, in all cases, the military should be under strict subordination to, and be governed by, the civil power; that the keeping of a Standing army in these states in times of peace is against law.
XV. It is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the English and American constitutions alike, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other; that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power in these states, by any council appointed during pleasure, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation; that the legislative and executive powers of the state should be separate and distinct from the judicative; that all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority without consent of the representatives of the people is injurious to their rights and ought not to be exercised.
XVI. That the extension of the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond their ancient limits has a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of Americans; that no person can in any case be subject to law-martial, or to any penalties or pains, by virtue of that law, except those employed in the army or navy, and except the militia in actual service, but by authority of the legislature..
XVII. That the people have a right to uniform government; and therefore, that no government separate from, or independent of, the governments of the several states or a duly constituted government of the United States, ought to be erected or established within the limits thereof.
XVIII. The people of each State shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any State, to any other State, of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any State, on the property of the United States, or either of them.
XIX. That no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles.
XX. That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator and the manner of discharging it, can be directed by reason and conviction, not by force or violence; and therefore, all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; and that none shall be hurt, molested, or restrained, in his person, liberty, or estate, for worshipping God in the manner and season most agreeable to the dictates of his own conscience ; or for his religious profession of sentiments, provided he doth not disturb the public peace, or obstruct others in their religious worship.
XXI. That the people have a right to keep and to bear arms for the common defence.
XXII. That the privilege and benefit of the writ of habeas corpus shall be enjoyed in this commonwealth, in the most free, easy, cheap, expeditious, and ample manner ; and shall not be suspended by the legislature, except upon the most urgent and pressing occasions, and for a limited time, not exceeding twelve months.
XXIII. That laws made to punish for actions done before the existence of such laws, and which have not been declared crimes by preceding laws, are unjust, oppressive, and inconsistent with the fundamental principles of a free government; that no subject ought, in any case, or in any time, to be declared guilty of treason or felony by the legislature.
XXIV. That the legislature ought frequently to assemble for the redress of grievances, for correcting, strengthening, and confirming the laws, and for making new laws, as the common good may require.
XXV. That the freedom of deliberation , speech, and debate, in either house of the legislature, is so essential to the rights of the people, that it cannot be the foundation of any accusation or prosecution, action or complaint, in any other court or place whatsoever.
XXVI. In no case shall nonresident proprietors be taxed higher than residents. The navigable waters leading into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be common highways and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of the said territory as to the citizens of the United States, and those of any other States that may be admitted into the union, without any tax, impost, or duty therefor.
XXVII. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.
Saturday, June 12, 2010
Regardless
I do not care why; I only care that the Twelve Points now (sort of ) register on a search of Google Trends.
Wednesday, June 9, 2010
One of many questions
This question is among the many that will remain open and unresolved so long as the Twelve Points (or some close substitute) are not widely affirmed and adopted:
What kind of Republican Party will the GOP of the 112th Congress be: the kind of Republican Party that has made a principle of opposing budget deficits, or some other kind?
At the present, I have no idea whether to expect the Republicans of the 112th Congress to be reliably opposed to budget deficits. I would prefer to have a party that stands both for low taxes and for little or no borrowing, but to do so, the party will need to be willing to stand for reducing or eliminating spending on particular items of the budget. (The Laffer curve is correct, but it does not guarantee higher revenue as a result of every tax cut. We should also keep in mind that we will accomplish less than we might think by eliminating "waste" alone, unless we define "waste" to include expenditures that do indeed have beneficiaries and political supporters who will angrily defend the expenditures from any threatened cuts.) Does the party know, now, what it will attempt to cut from the budget? Does it know how it will deal with the political consequences and avoid the outcome of the budget battle of late 1995 and early 1996?
It would be a mistake to consider these questions for the first time in the fall of 2011. To cause these questions to be answered sooner than that, however, was one of my reasons for writing the Twelve Points.
What kind of Republican Party will the GOP of the 112th Congress be: the kind of Republican Party that has made a principle of opposing budget deficits, or some other kind?
At the present, I have no idea whether to expect the Republicans of the 112th Congress to be reliably opposed to budget deficits. I would prefer to have a party that stands both for low taxes and for little or no borrowing, but to do so, the party will need to be willing to stand for reducing or eliminating spending on particular items of the budget. (The Laffer curve is correct, but it does not guarantee higher revenue as a result of every tax cut. We should also keep in mind that we will accomplish less than we might think by eliminating "waste" alone, unless we define "waste" to include expenditures that do indeed have beneficiaries and political supporters who will angrily defend the expenditures from any threatened cuts.) Does the party know, now, what it will attempt to cut from the budget? Does it know how it will deal with the political consequences and avoid the outcome of the budget battle of late 1995 and early 1996?
It would be a mistake to consider these questions for the first time in the fall of 2011. To cause these questions to be answered sooner than that, however, was one of my reasons for writing the Twelve Points.
Sunday, June 6, 2010
A New Name
Since the term "liberal" has become more familiar in its use as a term of derision than as a label that a person would actually use to refer to himself, liberals have (with surprising success) begun to urge the rest of us to call them "Progressives." Accordingly, which new name do you think conservatives should adopt? Send your answers to the12points@gmail.com!
A) Advancers
B) Justicers
C) Excellons
D) Ultrors
E) Maximals
F) Strong Handsome Smarts
A) Advancers
B) Justicers
C) Excellons
D) Ultrors
E) Maximals
F) Strong Handsome Smarts
Just Kidding
Since earlier blog posts appear below later ones, I will first inform you here that I am "just kidding" about the question above, and then I will give you the question itself.
Tuesday, June 1, 2010
Among other things
Among other purposes of the Twelve Points, which I have discussed thoroughly on this blog over the past eleven months, one of the design concepts of the Twelve Points involved the recognition that the ideas that we, as conservatives, need to know and understand are not limited to those that distinguish us from liberals and/or other non-conservatives. It would be surprising, amazing, and terrible if it were true that liberals understand nothing whatsoever about America's greatest traditions or about good government. As stunning as some of their deficits are, it simply is not true that they understand nothing. Also, as difficult as it may be for some supposed "conservatives" to admit it (many of this kind can be found having internet "flame wars" in the comments under online news articles), there are even times when liberals and conservatives should agree with each other. If we really intend to serve as the conservators of the American Revolution, we will need to know far more than simply the conservative position on those parts of America's intellectual and cultural heritage that they actively challenge. The conservative movement cannot be what America needs us to be so long as we define ourselves primarily in relation to the liberals. The Twelve Points were written with a recognition of this fact.
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