And if one were to add Massachusetts...

A few days ago, I posted a document that I had created by combining three American colonial declarations of rights (and updating the language, in parts, to reflect the fact that the United States won its independence and has a Constitution).  I have since integrated parts of the Massachusetts Constitution's original declaration of rights, since it included provisions that the others did not but that I thought were representative of the principles of the American Revolution.  The following, consequently, combines all four of these declarations of rights, along with a provision from the Articles of Confederation (and Perpetual Union):

I. We hold these Truths to be Self-Evident, that all men are created equal; that equals, by their nature, should be independent and free; that by this gift of equal creation, they are endowed by their Creator with rights both inherent and unalienable; that these rights, though often violated, and though sometimes deprecated by agreements or by pretense of right, may never be divested or extinguished; that these rights forbid intrusions on life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that they include the rights of self-defense and of the lawful acquisition, continued possession, and enjoyment and protection of property; that the American people have never, nor could they ever have, ceded or renounced these rights.

II. That when English settlers founded what became our first states, they were, at that time, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects within the realm of England; that by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants and descendants' peers are now are entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them, as their local and other circumstances, including American sovereignty and Independence, enable them to exercise and enjoy; that American citizens in every part of the United States are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of natural born citizens.

III. That the foundation of English and American liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council; and that when the people cannot be properly be represented in that council, they are entitled to make the arrangements they need in order to exercise that right by some other means, particularly with respect to legislation of all cases of taxation and internal polity.

IV. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen and Americans, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally, or by their representatives; that all supplies to the government being free gifts of the people, it is unreasonable and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of our constitutions for any number of the people to grant to the government the property of anyone else.

V. That the members of the legislative and executive branches should, at fixed periods, be reduced to a private station, return into that body from which they were originally taken, and the vacancies be supplied by frequent, certain, and regular elections in which all, or any part of the former members, to be again eligible, or ineligible, as the laws shall direct; that elections of members to serve as representatives of the people in assembly ought to be free; that all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community have the right of suffrage, an equal right to elect officers, and to be elected, for public employments, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses without their own consent or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner, assented, for the public good; and that each individual of the society has a right to be protected by it in the enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property, according to standing laws.

VI. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from, the people; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them; that government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation or community; of all the various modes and forms of government that is best, which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety and is most effectually secured against the danger of maladministration; and that, whenever any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.

VII. That no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services; which, not being descendible, neither ought the offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge be hereditary.

VIII. That the people of the United States are entitled to the tradition of the common law, and more especially to the great and inestimable right of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law; that in controversies respecting property and in suits between man and man, the ancient trial by jury is preferable to any other and ought to be held sacred; that every citizen of the United States ought to find a certain remedy, by having recourse to the laws, for all injuries or wrongs which he may receive in his person, property, or character; that he ought to obtain right and justice freely and without purchase, completely and without denial, promptly and without delay, conformably to the laws; that in all capital or criminal prosecutions a man hath a right to demand and have described to him, fully and plainly, substantially and formally, the cause and nature of his accusation, to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his favor, to be fully heard in his defence by himself, or his counsel, at his election, and to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty; nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself; that in criminal prosecutions, the verification of facts in the vicinity where they happen, is one of the greatest securities of the life, liberty, and property of the citizen; that no man be arrested, miprisoned, despoiled, or deprived of his property, immunities, or privileges, put out of the protection of the law, exiled, or deprived of his life, liberty, or estate, except by the law of the land or the judgement of his peers.

IX. That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed; nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

X. That every inhabitant of the United States has the right to be secure against unreasonable searches and seizures of his person, his houses, his papers, and all his possessions, and so general warrants, whereby any officer or messenger may be commanded to search suspected places without evidence of a fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, or whose offense is not particularly described and supported by evidence, are grievous, oppressive, and illegal and ought not to be granted.

XI. That the people of the United States are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes, as existed at the time of English settlement of the American colonies; and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances, and which they have supplemented with their own statutes and fundamental laws.

XII. That they are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges that were granted and confirmed to them by royal charters or that have been secured by the United States Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, the several declarations of rights asserted by the colonists, or the several states' constitutions and codes.
XIII. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition or address the government in the manner of their choice; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal; that the freedom of the press is one of the greatest bulwarks of liberty and can never be restrained but by despotic governments.

XIV. That a well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defense of a free state; that standing armies, in time of peace, should be avoided as dangerous to liberty; and that, in all cases, the military should be under strict subordination to, and be governed by, the civil power; that the keeping of a Standing army in these states in times of peace is against law.

XV. It is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the English and American constitutions alike, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other; that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power in these states, by any council appointed during pleasure, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation; that the legislative and executive powers of the state should be separate and distinct from the judicative; that all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority without consent of the representatives of the people is injurious to their rights and ought not to be exercised.

XVI. That the extension of the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond their ancient limits has a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of Americans; that no person can in any case be subject to law-martial, or to any penalties or pains, by virtue of that law, except those employed in the army or navy, and except the militia in actual service, but by authority of the legislature..

XVII. That the people have a right to uniform government; and therefore, that no government separate from, or independent of, the governments of the several states or a duly constituted government of the United States, ought to be erected or established within the limits thereof.

XVIII. The people of each State shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any State, to any other State, of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any State, on the property of the United States, or either of them.

XIX. That no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles.

XX. That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator and the manner of discharging it, can be directed by reason and conviction, not by force or violence; and therefore, all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; that none shall be hurt, molested, or restrained, in his person, liberty, or estate, for worshipping God in the manner and season most agreeable to the dictates of his own conscience ; or for his religious profession of sentiments, provided he doth not disturb the public peace, or obstruct others in their religious worship; and that it is the mutual and moral duty of all to practice Christian forbearance, love, and charity towards each other.

XXI. That the people have a right to keep and to bear arms for the common defence.

XXII. That the privilege and benefit of the writ of habeas corpus shall be enjoyed in this commonwealth, in the most free, easy, cheap, expeditious, and ample manner ; and shall not be suspended by the legislature, except upon the most urgent and pressing occasions, and for a limited time, not exceeding twelve months.

XXIII. That laws made to punish for actions done before the existence of such laws, and which have not been declared crimes by preceding laws, are unjust, oppressive, and inconsistent with the fundamental principles of a free government; that no subject ought, in any case, or in any time, to be declared guilty of treason or felony by the legislature.

XXIV. That the legislature ought frequently to assemble for the redress of grievances, for correcting, strengthening, and confirming the laws, and for making new laws, as the common good may require.

XXV. That the freedom of deliberation , speech, and debate, in either house of the legislature, is so essential to the rights of the people, that it cannot be the foundation of any accusation or prosecution, action or complaint, in any other court or place whatsoever.

We Still Need the Twelve Points As Our Statement of Conservative Principle

The Mount Vernon Statement is over three months old, so I doubt that anyone is interested in my analysis of it, at this point.  I promised it, though, and I intend to keep that promise.

The Mount Vernon Statement is not bad.  In fact, I think it could have some positive value in that it reaffirms that conservatives believe in the principles of the American founding, which I hope would allow appeals based on those principles to be more successful in winning over our fellow conservatives.  I also believe that much of the criticism that it received when it announced was not well-founded.  For example, it should not be difficult to understand why they released it during the early Obama administration instead of in 2006, for example -- their intended audience should have been expected to have been more receptive in early 2010 than in 2006, making the effort more likely to succeed.  (Whether or not it actually has succeeded, I have no idea.)  David Frum's criticism of the Mount Vernon Statement, in particular, seemed to have been rooted more in a desire to demonstrate his independence by subjecting the Mount Vernon people to his ridicule and scorn than in a wish to give a level-headed analysis of the Mount Vernon Statement.  Theoretically, David Frum could be valuable to the conservative movement, but as a practical matter, no idea of value that he might offer will win any so long as he treats his fellow conservatives as he does.  I believe his main point about the Mount Vernon Statement was that this statement of principles did not read like a list of policy proposals.  The problem isn't so much that he was wrong as it is that he was missing the point.

Even though the Mount Vernon Statement may have been worthwhile, however, it also represents a missed opportunity.  As many reviewers observed, it was relatively content-free.  There are so many things that need to be said, right now, and communicated throughout the entire conservative community.  The purpose of the Twelve Points was to collect as many as possible of the things that needed to be communicated, and then to communicate them.  Quite a few of the Mount Vernon people had seen the Twelve Points more than four months before the Mount Vernon Statement was released (some of them as early as last May), but rather than endorsing it, they chose to promote a simpler statement -- a statement with brevity but which did not have much to say.  Obviously, as the author of the Twelve Points, I would like to see them succeed.  However, to the extent that I object to the Mount Vernon Statement (which I more or less support, actually), it is because its creators willfully surrendered an opportunity to address and attempt to settle the challenges that the conservative movement faces.

Fortunately, that was not their last chance.  The Twelve Points are still here, and I do not intend to stop promoting them until the job is done.  The Mount Vernon people will be welcome to join me at any time.

That All Men Are Created Equal

I will post a substantive comment on the Mount Vernon Statement, at some point.

At this point, I will point out what I just noticed about it: neither the words "equal" nor "equality" appear in it.

Simply inserting one of those words somewhere probably would not have made much of a difference in the document's explicit message.  However, considering that some of the most significant accusations leveled against conservatism and conservatives are those concerning indifference to or opposition to equality, I wish that the writers had not forgotten to include at least some mention of it.  The MVS twice uses the term "self-evident truths," which, of course, paraphrases the Declaration of Independence's "We hold these truths to be self-evident" phrase.  The MVS also references the inalienable rights to Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.  It would have been so easy to include that crucial point appearing between the two, in the Declaration of Independence itself: "that all men are created equal."  I would even go so far as to say that including that phrase would have been the natural and obvious thing to do.

I cannot think of any explanation for its exclusion (aside from the somewhat-realistic possibility that they did simply overlook it) other than that they wanted to avoid criticism.  Many people are confused as to the meaning of the word "equality."  There are even conservatives who claim that equality is hostile to freedom (which is not true, when equality is correctly understood).  It is plausible that the writers of the Mount Vernon Statement omitted the phrase in order to avoid this debate.

Regardless of what their actual reasons might have been however, it is unfortunate that they excluded that phrase, not only because it would have been an opportunity to correct that misunderstanding of the term "equality," but because this movement has struggled with the public perception that it is, in fact, against equality.  Though conservatism, the conservative movement, and most self-described conservatives are not even remotely racist, there are still people, organizations, and traditions in existence that are racist or have racist tendencies.  They are an impediment and a disgrace, and we ought to make it clear to them, in the most clear and emphatic terms we can, that their beliefs are incompatible with ours.  This is what I tried to accomplish in writing the Seventh Point of the Twelve Points; I want to send the seventh point flowing through the veins of the conservative movement as an antidote.  The Seventh Point also refers back to the First Point, where I had discussed equality directly.  It may be self-serving for me to say so, but I think this was the right approach to take.  We are against racism, but the time has come (if there were ever a time when it had not yet come) to state that fact boldly, not reluctantly.  The Twelve Points do so; the competition has not.

They are from Indiana's Statehouse

I took the pictures of the statues of "Liberty" and "Justice," which you may have seen on the side of this page. The statues are positioned near the center of Indiana's Statehouse, in Indianapolis.

Based on three colonial American declarations of rights

If you have ever wondered what you would get if you were to combine the Declaration of Rights and Grievances, the Declaration of Rights (Stamp Act version), and the Virginia Declaration of Rights (and also updating them to reflect the fact of American independence), I think I have the answer:

I. We hold these Truths to be Self-Evident, that all men are created equal; that equals, by their nature, should be independent and free; that by this gift of equal creation, they are endowed by their Creator with rights both inherent and unalienable; that these rights, though often violated, and though sometimes deprecated by agreements or by pretense of right, may never be divested or extinguished; that these rights forbid intrusions on life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that they include the rights of self-defense and of the lawful acquisition, continued possession, and enjoyment and protection of property; that the American people have never, nor could they ever have, ceded or renounced these rights.

II. That when English settlers founded what became our first states, they were, at that time, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects within the realm of England; that by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants and descendants' peers are now are entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them, as their local and other circumstances, including American sovereignty and Independence, enable them to exercise and enjoy; that American citizens in every part of the United States are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of natural born citizens.

III. That the foundation of English and American liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council; and that when the people cannot be properly be represented in that council, they are entitled to make the arrangements they need in order to exercise that right by some other means, particularly with respect to legislation of all cases of taxation and internal polity.

IV. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen and Americans, that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally, or by their representatives; that all supplies to the government being free gifts of the people, it is unreasonable and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of our constitutions for any number of the people to grant to the government the property of anyone else.

V. That the members of the legislative and executive branches should, at fixed periods, be reduced to a private station, return into that body from which they were originally taken, and the vacancies be supplied by frequent, certain, and regular elections in which all, or any part of the former members, to be again eligible, or ineligible, as the laws shall direct; that elections of members to serve as representatives of the people in assembly ought to be free; and that all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community have the right of suffrage and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses without their own consent or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner, assented, for the public good.

VI. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from, the people; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them; that government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation or community; of all the various modes and forms of government that is best, which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety and is most effectually secured against the danger of maladministration; and that, whenever any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.

VII. That no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services; which, not being descendible, neither ought the offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge be hereditary.

VIII. That the people of the United States are entitled to the tradition of the common law, and more especially to the great and inestimable right of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law; that in controversies respecting property and in suits between man and man, the ancient trial by jury is preferable to any other and ought to be held sacred; that in all capital or criminal prosecutions a man hath a right to demand the cause and nature of his accusation to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his favor, and to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty, nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself; that no man be deprived of his liberty except by the law of the land or the judgement of his peers.

IX. That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed; nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

X. That general warrants, whereby any officer or messenger may be commanded to search suspected places without evidence of a fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, or whose offense is not particularly described and supported by evidence, are grievous and oppressive and ought not to be granted.

XI. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes, as existed at the time of English settlement of the American colonies; and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances, and which they have supplemented with their own statutes and fundamental laws.

XII. That the people of the United States are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges that were granted and confirmed to them by royal charters and secured by the United States Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, the several declarations of rights asserted by the colonists, and the several states' constitutions and codes.
XIII. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition the government; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal; that the freedom of the press is one of the greatest bulwarks of liberty and can never be restrained but by despotic governments.

XIII. That a well regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defense of a free state; that standing armies, in time of peace, should be avoided as dangerous to liberty; and that, in all cases, the military should be under strict subordination to, and be governed by, the civil power; that the keeping of a Standing army in these states in times of peace is against law.

XIV. It is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the English and American constitutions alike, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other; that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power in these states, by any council appointed during pleasure, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation; that the legislative and executive powers of the state should be separate and distinct from the judicative; that all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority without consent of the representatives of the people is injurious to their rights and ought not to be exercised.

XV. That extending the jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond their ancient limits, have a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of Americans.

XVI. That the people have a right to uniform government; and therefore, that no government separate from, or independent of, the governments of the several states or a duly constituted government of the United States, ought to be erected or established within the limits thereof.

XVII. That no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles.

XVIII. That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator and the manner of discharging it, can be directed by reason and conviction, not by force or violence; and therefore, all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; and that it is the mutual and moral duty of all to practice Christian forbearance, love, and charity towards each other.

Links relating to freedom

To whatever extent I can encourage friends of freedom to take advantage of the following resources, I intend to do so:

The Liberty Fund's Online Library of Liberty.

Advocates for Self-Government, "Communicating Liberty." The group is self-described as "libertarian," but I reject the categorical distinction between the terms "libertarian" and "conservative." Regardless, we, as conservatives, would be wise to use these resources to whatever extent they are relevant to us.

Advocates for Self-Government, Communication Center. I do not believe this is still available on the Advocates for Self-Government website, but it is (fortunately) still available through the Internet Archive.

Constitutional Interpretation

In The Federalist No. 83, on the issue of interpreting a "constitution of government," Alexander Hamilton wrote, "In relation to such a subject, the natural and obvious sense of its provisions, apart from any technical rules, is the true criterion of construction."

On the uses of a bill of rights

In a letter to Thomas Jefferson in 1788, James Madison wrote that he supported the creation of a federal bill of rights, even though he doubted its potential to effectively restrain a democratically-elected government.  As reasons for this support, he stated two advantages that he believed a bill of rights would offer -- advantages that may be easy for Americans alive today to overlook:

"What use then it may be asked can a bill of rights serve in popular Governments?  I answer the two following which though less essential than in other Governments, sufficiently recommend the precaution. 1. The political truths declared in that solemn manner acquire by degrees the character of fundamental maxims of free Government, and as they become incorporated with the national sentiment, counteract the impulses of interest and passion. 2. Altho' it be generally true as above stated that the danger of oppression lies in the interested majorities of the people rather than in usurped acts of the Government, yet there may be occasions on which the evil may spring from the latter source; and on such, a bill of rights will be a good ground for an appeal to the sense of the community.  Perhaps too there may be a certain degree of danger, that a succession of artful and ambitious rulers, may by gradual & well-timed advances, finally erect an independent Government on the subversion of liberty.  Should this danger exist at all, it is prudent to guard against it, especially when the precaution can do no injury."

These benefits are easy to overlook, as I wrote above, because we are now so used to most of the Bill of Rights being legally enforceable and enforced (as it should be, but which Madison did not think could be expected) that it is surprising that Madison would have been more interested in the influence that the Bill of Rights might ultimately have on the political process than in its potential enforceability in the courts.


Make no mistake -- it is important that the Bill of Rights is enforceable, as it was meant to be.  As someone who happens to like the U.S. Constitution, however, I am fascinated by the idea that the Bill of Rights was intended to have such an important role outside of the legal system.

Just a good thing to keep in mind

"XXI. That a frequent recurrence to fundamental principles is absolutely necessary, to preserve the blessings of liberty." - The 1776 North Carolina Bill of Rights

"XIV. That a frequent recurrence to fundamental principles, and a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, industry, and frugality are absolutely necessary to preserve the blessings of liberty, and keep a government free: The people ought therefore to pay particular attention to these points in the choice of officers and representatives, and have a right to exact a due and constant regard to them, from their legislatures and magistrates, in the making and executing such laws as are necessary for the good government of the state." - The 1776 Pennsylvania Bill of Rights, along with at least two of Vermont's Bills of Rights

Even Better -- A link to the Seven Points, a precursor to the Twelve Points

As far as I know, the Seven Points appear the same here as they would if you were to follow the link that I posted last month, but I am posting this link to 1) remind everyone that the history of the Twelve Points had unambiguously begun by 2003, not in the aftermath of John McCain's loss to Barack Obama, and is not defined by the question of who currently occupies the White House, and to 2) display the Seven Points as they appeared on Grand Old Cause's site while I was still the president of the group.  (I graduated from IU in December 2003, so I did not run for a third term in our elections that month.)

Quoting Russell Kirk -- Concerning Prudence

Russell Kirk once wrote a brief description of ten conservative principles.  A sentence from his fourth principle, "Prudence," was so excellent that I decided to quote it in the Twelve Points, stating that sudden and slashing reforms can be as perilous as sudden and slashing surgery.

I would like to encourage conservatives to read the entire paragraph, however.  "Prudence" is the conservative idea that is the least apt to be written into a sound-bite or a slogan, and it is the one that enthused young activists, conservative or not, are the most tempted to cast aside.  It is difficult to become excited about "prudence," and, additionally, the word sounds like (and is related, etymologically, to) "prudishness," which I think most people find even less exciting.  This is unfortunate, because when a movement does not specifically remind itself to remain prudent, it naturally becomes imprudent, and when the movement becomes improvement, its reforms become less likely to succeed.  I intentionally wrote "prudence" into the Twelve Points as a remedy to imprudence, hoping that conservatives who read and embrace the Twelve Points will benefit from this reminder that even reasonable people would be wise to allow for the possibility of their own error, remembering that the consequences of their actions may not be quite what they imagine.

So, anyway, here is that paragraph:

"Burke agrees with Plato that in the statesman, prudence is chief among virtues.  Any public measure ought to be judged by its probable long-run consequences, not merely by temporary advantage or popularity.  Liberals and radicals, the conservative says, are imprudent: for they dash at their objectives without giving much heed to the risk of new abuses worse than the evils they hope to sweep away.  As John Randolph of Roanoke put it, Providence moves slowly, but the devil always hurries.  Human society being complex, remedies cannot be simple if they are to be efficacious.  The conservative declares that he acts only after sufficient reflection, having weighed the consequences.  Sudden and slashing reforms are as perilous as sudden and slashing surgery." - Russell Kirk

The paragraph itself is valuable, but serious conservatives should read more about the subject, if they have not already.  Specifically, on this topic, I recommend Kirk's The Conservative Mind and The Politics of Prudence.  Of course, it would also be a good idea to read what Kirk wrote in that article concerning his other nine principles.