For more information, read also...

As conservatives, it is important to reinforce and supplement our understanding of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence.  This copy of a petition from English "freeholders" to the king, from 1769, was owned by John Adams.  Since the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution both refer to an existing English understanding of law and rights, this petition is worth reading -- in addition to the fact that it was owned by one of the leading founders, it should be useful to those who want to better understand that view of law and rights.

The Only Statement of Conservative Principles We Need?

I have discussed before how some bloggers have repeatedly quoted Michelle Malkin's initial response to the Mount Vernon Statement, at the end of which she linked to a picture of a one of those "Miss me yet?" billboards, altered to replace President Bush's picture with a picture of the Constitution.  She then asked, isn't this the only statement of conservative principles we need?

I pointed out that her main point had been the very valid observation that the Mount Vernon Statement's signers' commitment to "constitutional conservatism" is meaningless unless the signers will also oppose candidates and policies that violate the Constitution.  Presumably, her description of the Constitution as the only statement of conservative principles that we need was meant more to introduce that picture than it was to actually emphasize that description of the Constitution as though it were her main point.  After all, the Constitution is not a statement of principles at all, and even if it were not, surely we at least need the principles of the Declaration of Independence in addition to those of the Constitution!  (If her point is to be taken literally, which, again, I do not think is what she intended, don't we at least need an extrinsic statement telling us which amendments conservatives should support keeping in place?  The 16th is quite unpopular, with good reason, and many conservatives think that the 17th has damaged the frame of our government, too.  However, I hope that we can agree that most of the other amendments are important.  As my compiled version of the Bill of Rights would indicate, I think that if we were to confer the name "Bill of Rights" on a set of our existing constitutional amendments today, the 13th, 14th, 15th, 19th, 24th, 26th, and 27th would be as deserving of the name as the first ten were.  How can we distinguish these seven from, say, the 16th, if only the Constitution itself can serve as our statement of principles?  We cannot, which is why I am certain that Michelle Malkin did not intend for so many people to read her comment literally and to spread it across the internet.)

Anyway, in addition to that, some of the words of Edmund Burke might have a place in a statement of conservative principles:

"Far am I from denying ... the real rights of men. In denying their false claims of right, I do not mean to injure those which are real, and are such as their pretended rights would totally destroy. If civil society be made for the advantage of man, all the advantages for which it is made become his right. It is an institution of beneficence; and law itself is only beneficence acting by a rule. Men have a right to live by that rule; they have a right to do justice, as between their fellows, whether their fellows are in public function or in ordinary occupation. They have a right to the fruits of their industry and to the means of making their industry fruitful. They have a right to the acquisitions of their parents, to the nourishment and improvement of their offspring, to instruction in life, and to consolation in death. Whatever each man can separately do, without trespassing upon others, he has a right to do for himself..."

Obviously, I am in favor of the idea of a statement of conservative principles.  In the course of writing the Twelve Points, though I was already a conservative, I researched conservatism in order to introduce every valuable and essential idea I could into the Twelve Points, rather than simply relying on my own knowledge and beliefs as they were.  Through that research, I found countless conservative principles, large and small, including those stated in the previous paragraph.  No statement of conservative principles, including the Twelve Points, could possibly include them all.  The Constitution itself, though magnificent, is not a comprehensive statement of principles at all -- it is the Supreme Law of the Land.  I hope that my fellow conservatives will not fail to continue reading, thinking about, and discussing the multitude of ideas that form the conservative philosophy, because it is at this time when we need them most; without them, there is a risk that we will define ourselves in our own minds more in relation to President Obama than in relation to the conservative principles and philosophy and to our long-term, conservative objectives.

On the Twelve Points and Conservative Principles, One Year Ago

I just found something that I wrote on conservative principles -- almost exactly a year ago.  As I wrote the Twelve Points, I made notes on every idea that entered my mind, including the use of the Twelve Points, how I could promote them, modifications that I intended to make to them, and the state of the conservative movement.  This passage concerns conservative principles, and more specifically, why we need to review them and declare them anew, from time to time:

Regarding the Twelve Points: without something like this, there is a high risk that people will adopt a "wrong answer."

This is not only an essential part of the solution, but also a beginning: once we know that we agree on the fundamental principles, we can create the actual agenda, and then the message. Most of this has been said before, at some point, but memories have faded, and most of us have "joined the program already in progress."  We have to affirm, from time to time, that this is what we believe, or we will wander too far away from it.

Just so that there is no misunderstanding, I did not believe, as I wrote this, that we would need to create the agenda and the message "from scratch." My belief was that alleged "conservatives" who have forgotten the accumulated wisdom that we call our "conservative principles" could not be expected to keep, implement, and defend them effectively.  Even now, in these august golden days of the Mount Vernon Statement, it is impossible to visit the comment threads under online newspaper articles without recognizing that many of the people who claim to be conservatives do not meet the kinds of standards that we ought to have, as a movement.  To solve that problem, if we care to solve it -- by which I mean, "If we care for our movement to have a future" -- we have two options.  We can either create a test to screen out all of the people who do not meet those standards, or we can communicate our principles to them and teach conservatism.  I chose the latter option, and that is why I created the Twelve Points.

The Twelve Points, the definitive statement of conservative principles, as read by a computer

Why not?  From "YAKItToMe!," I now bring you the Twelve Points, the definitive statement of conservative principles, as read by a computer.

A Compiled Bill of Rights

Because the traditional form of an American constitutional amendment adds articles of amendment at the end of the main document rather than modifying the main document, the rights-related material in our Constitution, in its current form, is dispersed.  For some reason, the idea of seeing that material collected in a single place appeals to me, so last night, I created this compiled form of the Bill of Rights, gathering similar provisions from throughout the Constitution (including its amendments) and placing them among the provisions of our traditional "Bill of Rights."


With the exception of the title, the article headings, the brackets ( "[" and "]" ) and their contents, every word of the following can be found in the United States Constitution (as amended):

A COMPILED BILL OF RIGHTS

Article I.

No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time.

Article II.

No law, varying the compensation for the services of the Senators and Representatives, shall take effect, until an election of representatives shall have intervened.

Article III.

No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another; nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another. [A]ll Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State.

Article IV.

No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.

No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress.

Article V.

No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.

The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic Violence. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.

Article VI.

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

Article VII.

A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.

Article VIII.

No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Article IX.

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

Article X.

The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

[N]either the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void.

Article XI

All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.

Article XII

The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it. No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.

Article XIII

In Suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

Article XIV.

Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. The Congress shall have the power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

The right of citizens of the United States to vote in any primary or other election for President or Vice President, for electors for President or Vice President, or for Senator or Representative in Congress, shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State by reason of failure to pay poll tax or other tax. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

The right of citizens of the United States, who are eighteen years of age or older, to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of age. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

Article XV.

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

Article XVI.

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

Last April 15, I was still writing the Twelve Points

How did I mark Tax Day 2009?  Well, I continued my work in writing the Twelve Points, the definitive statement of conservative principles.

(I began the work in early 2008 and finished it on July 2, 2009.)

This year, I'm just spreading the word...

When Reason Interviewed Richard Viguerie

This is an old article (from late 2008), but go ahead and read it, anyway.  The conservatives who defended conservatism from "conservatives" during the Bush administration should get credit for doing so.  That would have to include Richard Viguerie.

Also, here is a more recent interview with him.  This one is a video.

Helping to confirm that "social conservatism" used to be understood as concerning a broader range of issues

Much of what passes for a call for "reform" in the conservative movement, today, is little more than an exhortation to counter the influence of the "Religious Right" (which now is evidently considered to be synonymous with "social conservatism"), a proposal that is at once both too broad and too narrow.  It is discouraging to me when I find "libertarians," "libertarian-conservatives," or "classical liberals" who have adopted this bit of folk-truth, since I generally regard such people highly and expect better of them.  The classification of certain political issues and positions in America as "social" issues or "social" or "religious" conservatism, from the standpoint of a liberty-minded person, ought to be regarded as arbitrary.  They are not sorted in this way because social/religious conservatives inherently advocate the use of threatened or actual force (in the form of the law) to impose their will on others, though social/religious conservatives clearly exist who seem to be in favor of that.  Instead, as the future-President Reagan insisted in the 1970s (11th paragraph), we classify those issues and positions by the political constituency that is seen as being interested in them.

The similarity between the abortion issue, the heightened FCC fines issue, the school prayer issue, the gay marriage issue, and the issues relating to divorce and single parenthood is not that conservatives take a similar position on each of them concerning the use of unprovoked threats of force.  The similarity between them is that until about 3-4 decades ago, quite a few of the Americans who care about these and similar issues would not have been politically aligned with the Republican Party.  At some point since, however, critics of "social conservatism" have argued that its defining characteristic is enthusiasm for coercion in the "social" realm.

Because I think my point is self-evident, I will not take the time and space right now to fully elaborate on it.  However, I do want to call attention to some evidence relevant to this point, which is actually what caused me to begin writing this post.  Even by the late 1990s, social conservatism was understood to include a far broader range of issues than it is now.  In the 1990s, crime, affirmative action, education, and even welfare reform were all still classified as social issues, and "social conservatism" and "religious conservatism" were not necessarily synonymous.  Those who remember politics in the 1990s probably remember that fact, but those whose attention was elsewhere at the time might be interested in this.  Thanks to the Internet Archive, we can see that in 2000, neither the Heritage Foundation's brief on the American Family nor on Religion discussed homosexuality (though the former briefly referenced it), and by following the links below, we can see a much broader range of issues included in the "social" category than I believe most people would think of today.

My argument is not that there are no "social conservatives" who advocate the use of laws to force Americans to be moral.  My point is that social conservatism is not defined by that characteristic and it can exist without it.

See also:

The American Conservative Union's proposed 1996 "Conservative Platform," referencing the recent DOMA
The American Conservative Union, Legislative Update "Hot Issues" (Updated 9/19/1996!)
The Heritage Foundation's Links concerning "Family" issues, mid-2001
The Heritage Foundation's Links concerning "Religion" issues, mid-2001
The American Conservative Union's proposed 2000 "Conservative Platform," also referencing the DOMA
The American Conservative Union, "Current Issues," late 2004

A Link to the Seven Points, an Older Statement of Conservative Principles

As I have mentioned in several posts before, I began the Twelve Points as an update to the "Seven Points" that my conservative student organization, Grand Old Cause, created at Indiana University about seven years ago.  I have now posted both the text of the Seven Points and an image of the Seven Points from the old GOC website.  In November, when I salvaged most of that web page by tracking it down on the Internet Archive's "Way Back Machine," the archived page itself did not seem to be able to display properly.  I noticed last night that it now appears to display as it was supposed to display, so the idea of posting the link to it now is more appealing to me.

Now ... Let's briefly revisit the year 2003.  Many people (including liberals, libertarians, disenchanted conservatives, and others who cannot be neatly sorted into the familiar categories) now seem to be under the impression that by 2003, the conservative community as a whole had become indifferent or hostile to liberty, the rule of law, and the idea of fiscal responsibility.  Many conservatives actually did this, of course, including quite a few with influence or formal authority.  Other conservatives, however, remained sincerely supportive of liberty (which necessarily involved supporting meaningfully, constitutionally-limited government), protective of the United States Constitution and the rule of law, and committed to fiscal responsibility.  Since we did not control the federal government or the national Republican Party, most of the evidence of our existence is anecdotal, but I do not believe this prevents that evidence from being persuasive.  Some conservatives may have turned their backs on freedom, but there clearly were many of us who did not.  Otherwise, in 2003, when a young group of Indiana University conservative student activists drafted and adopted its own statement of conservative principles, it would not have created these Seven Points.

You Fools, Part 2

I do not know why the Google translator translated "GOC" into "AGB," but I will be sure to look into it.

Now, for April Fool's Day, I present "Google's German-to-English Translation of Google's Own English-to-German Translation of the Twelve Points," which is not nearly as funny as I assumed it would be:

Read and record the twelve-point, the GOC's Definitive statement of conservative principles. 
The twelve-point 
We, the conservatives of the United States of America, in order to direct and strengthen the conservative movement, to create a standard in which we hold ourselves and our fellow conservatives and to allow us to better serve our country and the world, reaffirm the state and these twelve basic principles: 

I. 

In relation to equality and justice: 
This justice is founded on the understanding that "all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain rights inalienable," and all that just to gain their rights only characters from that facility and equipment immediately; 
The fact that the arbitrary use of force is a departure from this principle, one intern ordered right to liberty is an essential part of justice; 
That if individuals are to unite Government, do not give them their rights, but allow their government to review the permit, qualified and hold the just limits of their freedom, as defined by law, through their elected representatives, and in accordance with its constitution; 
That in every government rests secure a sacred duty and immutable, and respect for the rights of the governed, to ensure equality before the law and maintain .... the rule of law 
II 
On individual freedom: 
That the right to individual freedom, of course, ordered and internally, as arbitrary coercion is a destroyer of freedom, not an expression; 
The fact that a person has the freedom, if it is left undisturbed in the use of his God-given free will, but restrained from entering on the same freedom and real rights of others; 
That on his true role as guardians of our rights, and regardless of its laudable goals or humanitarian purposes, little of the work of the government justifies its characteristic use of threats, commands, and powerful attacks - and their use, if justified, is injustice; 
That only criminals should be treated as always; 
The tribute to the name Liberty are empty platitudes unless other act to be left free, and also to refuse to act, even in such a way that we find unpleasant, irresponsible, immoral, or without being subject to threat or actual violence; 
That still depends on the success of a free society to bear on the human virtues of its happy and on their decisions as individuals to use to take control of their lives and their freedom responsibly; 
That a person's spiritual and moral development can not be addressed may not be effective or right of governments, and the virtue survive without freedom can thrive more than the freedom ....without virtue 
III. 
For the United States Constitution and the rule of law: 
That the rule of law is better than the "rule of man," because it manifests the decisive will of the governed, the provision as a constitutional principle of prudence protection against future leaders' lack of wisdom and justice; 
That the preservation of liberty depends on the effective restraint systems and the regulation of state power, and that the effectiveness of control depends on the resolve and effort to understand and comply with the governed; 
The fact that the sophisticated design of the Constitution of the United States is well suited for this purpose, the powers of the federal government, the separation of powers between the three branches, the prescription of methods by which these forces are used, and proscribing the most dangerous abuse; 
need to maintain this role in this crucial, the Constitution in practice be recognized as it is universal in the word, as "the supreme law of the land," binding on the federal branches and the different states equally; 
The fact that the Constitution must be interpreted and applied honest, loyal, meaning that a legitimate constitutional interpretation is a plausible product of a sincere attempt, starting with emphasis on constitutional text, to determine their original; 
That on entry into the union, the government, form, governed the right to take a valuable constitutional government, and that for the convenience of ignoring the Constitution in the interests of injured and squandered that right; 
This has yet to discover the humanity, to all the possibilities, back to those constitutions, can be used to improve and the government and the Americans should explore, to carefully consider and implement options carefully for this purpose .... would be useful in the constitution of their 
IV 
About life: 
The fact that all human life is sacred, and remain that interference with the right to life the full, absolute and irreversible form of coercion is possible to deny another human being, even the minimum of freedom to exist, continue; 
That, like all people have a right to life, the task of defining "personality" is the confronted, not indefinitely postponed their perceived difficulty; 
That, given the status of the unborn, no danger is the possibility that we are overly generous in recognition of their humanity - the humanity of members of our species, right, separated by mere months, global recognition and protection of - but in the possibility that we are too stingy, that personality that begins well before birth, undeniably, from .... Concept should be recognized
V. 
In regard to private property rights: 
That the institution of private property must be respected and preserved, as it complements the independence of our natural freedom, and while its alternatives would make it unnecessary for us depends on the will of others; 
The vain for possessing contrary interests of each person in the Commons of the Earth, to replace property rights - through the division and the organization of these interests - common option, but a meaningful right, title to the land under their own feet, to which one is the house, and of which the holder decides to rightly use and enjoy, as he; 
That the power of eminent domain should never be used for the public to private property other than for, and it should be avoided appropriate features for that purpose is not really necessary and to allow governments to serve their fair; 
The property will be invaluable as the basis of the free market economy, itself a prerequisite for the meaningful implementation of the general right to freedom .... 
VI. 
On the freedom and economic prosperity MARKET: 
That the free market is an expression of freedom, a necessary condition for the effective use of freedom, and the best economic system in order to feed strong economic growth and meet the material needs of the people - and, as a result of the free market has no tolerable , replace 
Governments need to maintain economic liberty through low taxes, free trade, the preservation of freedom of contract, stable monetary policy, balanced budgets, fiscal restraint, honest budgeting, respect for the investment of private property and by avoiding unnecessary and unnecessarily burdensome regulation ; 
The fact that the survival of economic freedom depends on the prevalence of the understanding that the free market is not only the best economic system, but also why it is the best, how it works, if it is effective to the least, and why the fallacies invoked against it are deceptive; 
The fact that an overly regulated economy, deregulation necessary operations, but the success of free-market reformer surgical separation of state and the market depends on its thorough understanding of the anatomy of the economy; 
The fact that this right to pursue independence, material security, and happiness deserves special care, but no person is .... owed the involuntary help of others in this pursuit, or in place of it 
VII 
What INDIVIDUALITY and unity: 
That the conservatives have not just against racism, justice is a corruption of the society and a serious threat, but also needs an active interest in the solution and the elimination of this problem; 
That the solution begins with a firm commitment to promoting justice and equality before the law - both in word and deed - and with each of us as individuals, to guard the rights of others as we would our own watch; 
This unity, if not artificial unity is a means, as much as a goal in America's quest for racial reconciliation, and that the targeted distribution of hereditary peers on immaterial differences ....is an affront to individuality and a threat to the unity 
VIII 
Concerning conservation: 
This policy should be to preserve individual freedom characterized by the same principles and relies on guide purposes, all measures of the government, supported by sound science and harmonized, private property rights, rule of law and the critical needs of our economy; 
The private ownership of resources, combine them in a rule on the control it is preferable to the consequences of bad management, shared ownership and management and is the ideal model for action to conserve resources is .... that can not be private 
IX. 
With regard to the restraint and REVERSAL OF GOVERNMENT GROWTH: 
That if the government is growing properly about its limits, fueling a dangerous individual malignant tumor than its elements; 
That "as the government expands, liberty contracts"; 
The centralized centralized power; 
That regardless of their professed humanitarian motives, the powers of government are established in the force, and even the best governments are a significant threat to the very rights that they be taken to protect; 
That government programs, once established, tend to stay, regardless of whether they remain effective and independent of the harm they come to impose; 
The fact that the countless small but unjustified government spending can not be defended separately with regard to the relative insignificance of each of them alone, as the dollar is less valuable when it counted in pennies; 
That no government, the size, density and complexity of United States federal government should be made transparent so that the governed effectively monitor and control them; 
That governments not subject to the forces of supply and demand perfection, and that a democratic constitution, if necessary, will not be enough to wrest the adequacy of government; 
Regardless of what it promised to use the advanced state authority and corruption created by the policy; 
This state reform, private competition and individual freedom often succeed where the higher government spending and power failure; 
This is because there is no end of the promised benefits of state intervention, there is no business or personal sphere of freedom that is not ultimately the risk that their value Bled distributed or of the existence; 
That the government can not control an economy without controlling people, and that in the control of people, "it must be set to force and coercion to achieve its purpose"; 
This freedom and its benefits, most Americans at risk if debtors are bribed to sell not only their own freedom, but also those of their neighbors; 
That if there offloading families and voluntary associations of their traditional displacement by them in their invaluable role can government can wipe out a blessing, not a government to replace that; 
This government must be both cautious and confident sense right through .... Led by the governed 
X. 


What tax equity: 
That among the compelling reasons for the low tax rates of the known and demonstrated economic benefits, the unconstitutionality of certain expenses, to finance taxes, and the feeling that people are to live responsibly to save, and hard work, rewards should be kept as much aspossible from her for this; 
These taxes are also a matter of justice, is mandatory and collected as taxes under threat of harsh punishment, and those taxes should not be subject to threats to justify spending funds not possible that such; 
That while some functions of government deserve the support of all Americans, particularly in ensuring security and safeguarding justice, to fund other legitimate, constitutional governmental functions, should the tax be designed to charge the beneficiaries of a deliberate public expenditure relationship benefits that they get it from; 
That if the injustice of the other expenses not spending offending be solved by those who are financing, their sense of traditional limited to sources of that income are not required to use in, and not the rights of taxpayers without their individual consent to force them to pay; 
That these alternative sources will not be developed and tested to identify the politicians and the public that it is possible, an otherwise desirable expenditure for the taxpayer against the constitution and the natural rights; 
That by constitutional amendment, the Americans can and should impose permanent controls to require that only certain legal issues can possibly ever .... Taxes will be financed through traditional, mandatory 
XI. 
In terms of reflection and reason: 
The prudent policy requires an impartial examination of the relevant facts, give due consideration and to test a healthy skepticism about the claims of our allies and adversaries, rejection of ideologies and their dazzling effects and a tendency to examine and prove our own conclusions and beliefs; 
That the wording of the policy should be space for our inability to predict and influence the behavior of other people as well as we predict and control the behavior of things; 
That we may not fully appreciate the consequences of our actions, and the "Sudden and slashing reforms are as dangerous as sudden and slashing surgery"; 
The fact that only a few decisions would be less prudent or conservative, our heritage as American as fortune give up .... represented by our Constitution and the traditions of freedom 
XII. 
What wisdom and strength, security, freedom and peace: 
We have to defend America's interests only, the maintenance of security and freedom for ourselves and our posterity; 
The easy-to that end, not a source of power - even hearty diplomacy, strategic stability, the will and the willingness to use military force, and all the others and constitutional means - can be neglected clever; 
Court disaster that we, if we overestimate our military strength, careless use incorrectly or neglect to maintain and expand; 
This is how the federal government should be effective for use in its duty to respect the right of freedom and security for the American people - and having regard to the role of America as a beacon of freedom and justice for the world - care and caution, in determining whether a use of military force is necessary and appropriate; 
This is our ability to deter threats rests on our military strength we possess the intelligence, skills and resources to effectively manage that strength and our opponents' certainty that America decided to answer aggression and 
That the objective of the association must be there all this, once and hold the United States of America, at, secure, just, prosperous and free. 
Completed in Indianapolis on the second day of July, the year of American independence and sovereignty of the Two Hundred Thirty-fourth, Anno Domini 2009th

You Fools, Part 1

I have no idea of how this could possibly fool anyone, but I thought of this on March 30, and I decided that April 1 would be the best date on which to do something this strange.  First, here are the Twelve Points, translated into German using Google's translation program:

Lesen und Registrieren der Zwölf Punkte, die AGB's und 
Endgültige Mitteilung der konservativen Grundsätzen. 

Die zwölf Punkte

Wir, die Konservativen der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, um zu leiten und zu stärken, die konservative Bewegung, um einen Standard, auf die wir uns selbst und unsere Mitbürgerinnen und Konservative halten Sie erstellen können, und lassen uns besser zu unserem Land und der Welt, Staat zu dienen und bestätigen diesen zwölf wesentliche Grundsätze:

I.

In Bezug auf Gleichheit und Gerechtigkeit:

Das Gericht wird davon ausgegangen, dass "alle Menschen gleich geschaffen sind begründet, dass sie von ihrem Schöpfer mit gewissen unveräußerlichen Rechten ausgestattet sind", und dass alle nur ihre Rechte zu erlangen nur Zeichen aus dieser gleich die Schaffung und Ausstattung;

Dies kann als die willkürliche Anwendung von Gewalt ist eine Abkehr von diesem Prinzip, ein intern sortiert Recht auf Freiheit ist ein wesentlicher Bestandteil der Gerechtigkeit;

Dass, wenn Menschen vereinen, um eine Regierung zu bilden, haben sie ihre Rechte nicht aufgeben, sondern gewähren ihrer Regierung die qualifizierte Zustimmung zu ermitteln und die gerechte Grenzen ihrer Freiheit, die nur darauf, durch Gesetz festgelegt werden, von ihren gewählten Vertretern und Übereinstimmung mit ihrer Verfassung;

Daß in jeder Regierung beruht eine heilige Pflicht und unveränderlich zu sichern und die Rechte der Regierten, die Gleichheit vor dem Gesetz gewährleisten, und die Rechtsstaatlichkeit zu wahren ....

II.

Über die individuelle Freiheit:

Dass das Recht auf individuelle Freiheit ist natürlich und intern sortiert, wie willkürlichen Zwang ist ein Zerstörer der Freiheit, nicht ein Ausdruck dafür;

Das ist ein Individuum hat die Freiheit gelassen wird, wenn er ungestört in die Nutzung seiner von Gott gegebenen freien Willen, sondern von eindringenden auf die gleiche Freiheit und echte Rechte anderer zurückhaltend;

, Die über ihre eigentliche Rolle als Hüterin der Rechte, unabhängig von ihrer lobenswerten Zielen oder humanitäre Zwecke ein geringer Teil der Arbeit der Regierung begründet ihren charakteristischen Verwendung von Drohungen, Befehle und gewaltsame Eindringen - und ihre Verwendung, als ungerechtfertigt ist, so ist Ungerechtigkeit;

Das ist nur Kriminelle sollten immer als solche behandelt werden;

Das Tribut an die Namen der Freiheit sind leer, es sei denn Plattitüden anderen überlassen, zu handeln, und auch zu verweigern, zu handeln, sogar in einer Weise, dass wir unangenehm, unverantwortlich oder unmoralisch ohne dass sie bedroht oder tatsächliche Kraft;

Das jedoch hängt der Erfolg einer freien Gesellschaft auf die Tugenden von seinen Bürgern gern praktiziert wird, und ihre Entscheidungen als Individuen, die Kontrolle über ihr Leben zu übernehmen und ihre Freiheit verantwortungsvoll zu nutzen;

Dass eine Person, die geistige und moralische Entwicklung nicht wirksam oder mit Recht von Regierungen gerichtet, und daß die Tugend nicht ohne Freiheit nicht mehr als Freiheit gedeihen kann, ohne Tugend überleben ....

III.

Für die Vereinigten Staaten Verfassung und der Rechtsstaatlichkeit:

Dass die Rechtsstaatlichkeit ist besser als die "Herrschaft des Menschen", denn sie ermöglicht den entscheidenden Willen der regiert, als Ausdruck einer Verfassungsbestimmung, um gegen den Mangel künftige Führungskräfte "der Weisheit, Klugheit und Gerechtigkeit zu schützen;

Dass die Erhaltung der Freiheit hängt von der wirkungsvollen Rückhaltesysteme und die Regelung der staatlichen Macht, und dass die Wirksamkeit dieser Kontrollen hängt von der Entschlossenheit und Anstrengungen der Regierten zu verstehen und zu ehren;

Das war die geniale Konstruktion der Verfassung der Vereinigten Staaten ist gut für diesen Zweck geeignet sind, die die Befugnisse der Bundesregierung, die Trennung von Zuständigkeiten zwischen den drei Niederlassungen, die Verschreibung von Verfahren, durch die diese Befugnisse verwendet werden, und Verbote zu den gefährlichsten Missbrauch;

Dass es in dieser entscheidenden Rolle zu wahren, muss der Verfassung in der Praxis anerkannt werden, denn es ist allgemein in Wort, als "oberstes Gesetz des Landes," verbindlich auf Bundesebene Filialen und den verschiedenen Staaten gleich;

Dass die Verfassung muss ehrlich ausgelegt und angewandt treu, dass eine berechtigte verfassungskonforme Auslegung ist die plausible Produkt ein ehrlicher Versuch, beginnend mit und unter Betonung der Verfassungstext, zu seiner ursprünglichen Bedeutung zu bestimmen;

Das bei der Einreise in die Vereinigung eine Regierung zu bilden, regierte das Recht auf eine wertvolle verfassungsmäßigen Regierung zu nehmen, und dass die Verfassung für die Einfachheit halber ignorieren verletzt und vergeudet dieses Recht;

Daß die Menschheit noch, um alle Möglichkeiten, durch die Verfassungen verwendet werden können, zu zügeln, Form und Verbesserung der Regierung zu entdecken, und die Amerikaner sollten prüfen, sorgfältig zu prüfen, und vorsichtig umzusetzen Optionen, würde die Verfassung in ihrer sinnvollen Zweck zu stärken ....

IV.

Über das Leben:

Das ganze menschliche Leben ist heilig, und das Eindringen auf das Recht auf Leben ist das vollständigste, absolut, und irreversible Form von Zwang denkbar, verweigern anderen Menschen auch die Minimum an Freiheit gelassen werden, weiter zu existieren;

Dies kann als alle Menschen besitzen ein Recht auf Leben, muß die Aufgabe der Definition von "Persönlichkeit" konfrontiert werden, nicht auf unbestimmte Zeit für seine besonderen Schwierigkeit aufgeschoben wurde;

Das bei der Prüfung des Status der Ungeborenen, liegt die Gefahr nicht an die Möglichkeit, dass wir übermäßig großzügig zu erkennen, ihre Menschlichkeit - die Menschheit von Mitgliedern unserer Spezies, von wenigen Monaten getrennt von der allgemeinen Anerkennung und den Schutz des Rechtsstaats -- sondern in der Möglichkeit, dass wir zu geizig sein wird, das Menschsein, die unbestreitbar gut beginnt vor der Geburt, sollten von der Konzeption erkannt werden ....

V.

In Bezug auf private Eigentumsrechte:

Dass die Institution des Privateigentums muss bewahrt und geehrt werden, da sie unseren natürlichen Freiheit und Unabhängigkeit ergänzt, während die Alternativen machen würde uns unnötig abhängig von dem Willen eines anderen;

Das gilt für die vergeblichen entgegen Interessen der einzelnen Person in den Gemeinen der Erde, Eigentumsrechte zu ersetzen - durch die Teilung und die Organisation dieser Interessen - die weit verbreitete Möglichkeit zu besitzen, sondern eine sinnvolle Recht: Das Eigentum an den Boden unter den eigenen Füße, auf denen das Haus steht, und die der Eigentümer kann mit Recht nutzen und zu genießen wie er will;

Daß die Kraft des eminent domain sollten nie benutzt werden, um private Eigentum anderer als für den öffentlichen Gebrauch zu nehmen, und es sollte für jeden Zweck das ist nicht wirklich notwendig, damit die Regierungen zu dienen vermieden werden ihre gerechte und angemessene Funktionen;

Das Eigentumsrechte als Grundlage einer freien Marktwirtschaft, die ihrerseits eine Voraussetzung für die sinnvolle Umsetzung der allgemeinen Recht auf Freiheit von unschätzbarem Wert ....

VI.

In Bezug auf den freien Markt und WIRTSCHAFTLICHER WOHLSTAND:

Dass der freie Markt ist zugleich ein Ausdruck der Freiheit, der eine notwendige Voraussetzung für den wirksamen Einsatz von Freiheit, und die besten ökonomischen System zu kräftigen Wirtschaftswachstum zu nähren und erfüllen die materiellen Bedürfnisse der Menschen - und, als Ergebnis des freien Marktes hat keine erträglich zu ersetzen;

Dass die Regierungen die wirtschaftliche Freiheit zu halten durch niedrige Steuersätze, des freien Handels, der Erhaltung der Grundsatz der Vertragsfreiheit, stabile Geldpolitik, ausgeglichene Haushalte restriktive Finanzpolitik, ehrlich Budgetierung, Respekt für die Investitionen des privaten Eigentums, und durch die Vermeidung von unnötigen und unnötig belastend Verordnung ;

Dass der Fortbestand der wirtschaftlichen Freiheit, hängt von der Prävalenz von der Erkenntnis, dass der freie Markt ist nicht nur das beste Wirtschaftssystem, sondern auch, warum es das beste ist, wie es funktioniert, wenn es seiner am wenigsten wirksam, und warum die Irrtümer aufgerufen gegen es sind trügerisch;

Dass in einer übermäßig regulierten Wirtschaft, die Deregulierung der Operation ist notwendig, aber der Erfolg der freien Markt-chirurgische Reformer "Trennung von Staat und Markt hängt von ihrer gründliches Verständnis der Anatomie der Wirtschaft;

Dass dieses Recht auf materielle Sicherheit, ihre Unabhängigkeit zu verfolgen, und das Glück verdient besondere Pflege, aber keine Person geschuldet wird der unfreiwilligen Hilfe von anderen in dieser Verfolgung, oder an deren Stelle es ....

VII.

In Bezug auf Individualität und Einheit:

Dass die Konservativen nicht nur gegen Rassismus, die Korruption der Gesellschaft und eine ernste Bedrohung für Gerechtigkeit, sondern auch ein aktives Interesse an der Lösung und Beseitigung dieses Problems;

Das war die Lösung beginnt mit einer entschlossenen Förderung von Gerechtigkeit und Gleichheit vor dem Gesetz - in Wort und in der Tat - und mit jedem von uns, als Individuen, die Bewachung der Rechte anderer, wenn wir unseren eigenen würden, vorzubeugen;

Diese Einheit, wenn auch nicht künstlich Einheitlichkeit, ist ein Mittel, so viel wie ein Ziel in der Verfolgung America's der Rasse Versöhnung, und dass die gezielte Verteilung der Gleichaltrigen über immaterielle vererbbaren Unterschiede ist ein Affront gegen die Individualität und eine Bedrohung für die Einheit ....

VIII.

Was ERHALTUNG:

Dass die Politik der Bestandserhaltung muss von den gleichen Grundsätzen und Zielen vertraut, dass sollten alle Maßnahmen der Regierung leiten, basierend auf einer soliden wissenschaftlichen und harmonisiert mit der individuellen Freiheit gestaltet werden, privates Eigentum, der Rechtsstaatlichkeit und den kritischen Bedürfnissen unserer Wirtschaft;

Das private Eigentum an Ressourcen, die Kontrolle über sie mit den Folgen des Missmanagements zu vereinigen strebt, ist besser, gemeinsames Eigentum und Management und ist das ideale Modell für die Politik zu den Ressourcen, die nicht in Privatbesitz werden zu schützen ....

IX.

In Bezug auf die Zurückhaltung und UMKEHR DER REGIERUNG WACHSTUM:

Dass, wenn die Regierung über ihre entsprechenden Grenzen wächst, schürt sie eine maligne Erkrankung gefährlicher ist als seine einzelnen Bestandteile;

Dass "im Sinne der Regierung erweitert, Freiheit Verträge";

Das zentrale Finanzierung zentralisiert die Macht;

Dass unabhängig von ihrer angeblichen humanitären Motiven, sind die Befugnisse der Regierung in Kraft gegründet, und auch die beste Regierungen stellen eine erhebliche Bedrohung der Rechte, die sie eingeführt sind, zu schützen;

Das staatliche Programme erst einmal bestehen, neigen dazu, zu bleiben, unabhängig davon, ob sie wirksam und unabhängig von dem Schaden, den sie kommen zu verhängen;

Dass die unzähligen kleinen, aber ungerechtfertigte Staatsausgaben können nicht separat mit dem Hinweis auf die relative Bedeutungslosigkeit eines jeden von ihnen allein verteidigt werden, da der Dollar ist nicht weniger wertvoll, wenn es in Cent gerechnet wird;

Dass keine Regierung der Größe, Dichte und Komplexität der US-Regierung gemacht werden können, so durchsichtig, dass die Regierten effektiv überwachen und steuern können es;

Die Regierungen sind nicht Gegenstand der Vervollkommnung Kräfte von Angebot und Nachfrage, und dass eine demokratische Verfassung, zwar von wesentlicher Bedeutung, nicht ausreicht, um die Angemessenheit von der Regierung zu entreißen;

Dies unabhängig davon, was es versprochen hat, wird die Nutzung der erweiterten staatlichen Behörde von der Politik und Korruption geprägt sein;

Diese Regierung Reform privaten Wettbewerb und individuelle Freiheit, die oft zum Erfolg, wenn höhere staatliche Ausgaben und Stromausfall;

: Es gibt kein Ende der zugesagten Leistungen der staatlichen Eingriff, gibt es kein Unternehmen oder persönliche Sphäre der Freiheit, die nicht letztlich die Gefahr, dass Bled seines Wertes oder von der Existenz getrieben;

Dass die Regierung nicht kontrollieren kann eine Wirtschaft ohne Kontrolle der Menschen, und dass bei der Kontrolle der Menschen, "er muss Gewalt und Zwang, um ihren Zweck zu erfüllen Verwendung";

Diese Freiheit und seine Vorteile sind am meisten gefährdeten, wenn die Amerikaner in einzeln verkauft nicht nur ihre eigene Freiheit, sondern auch die ihrer Nachbarn bestochen werden;

Dass, wenn es entlastet Familien und freiwillige Zusammenschlüsse von ihren traditionellen Aufgaben durch Verdrängung sie in ihrer Rolle von unschätzbarem Wert, kann eine Regierung zu löschen Segen, dass keine Regierung ersetzen können;

Diese Regierung muss sowohl sinnvoll durch Gesetz eingeschränkt und selbstsicher durch die Aufsicht geregelt ....

X.

Was Steuergerechtigkeit:

Dass unter den zwingenden Gründe für die niedrige Steuersätze sind die bekannten und demonstrierte wirtschaftliche Vorteile, die Verfassungswidrigkeit bestimmter Ausgaben, die Steuern zu finanzieren, und das Gefühl, dass Menschen, die verantwortungsvoll zu leben, zu retten, und hart arbeiten, sollte so viel wie möglich von ihren Lohn für Dabei;

Das Steuern, aber auch eine Frage der Gerechtigkeit, die Steuern sind obligatorisch und sammelte unter Androhung von harten Strafen, und diese Steuern soll nicht erhoben werden, um die Staatsausgaben, die nicht rechtfertigen können solche Bedrohungen zu finanzieren;

Dass zwar einige Funktionen der Regierung die Unterstützung der Amerikaner verdient, vor allem in der Gewährleistung von Sicherheit und die Sicherung der Gerechtigkeit, zur Finanzierung andere legitime, verfassungsmäßige staatlichen Funktionen Steuern sollte so gestaltet, um die vorsätzliche Nutznießer einer öffentlichen Ausgaben im Verhältnis zu den Kosten werden Vorteile, die sie von der EU erhalten;

Dass, wenn die Ungerechtigkeit der anderen Ausgaben können nicht durch die Beseitigung der beanstandeten Ausgaben beigelegt werden, sollte ihre Finanzierung auf Quellen von Einnahmen, die nicht im traditionellen Sinne obligatorisch sind, eingeschränkt werden und dass nicht nutzen kann Rechte der Steuerpflichtigen ohne ihre individuelle vorherige Zustimmung, um zwingen, zu zahlen;

Dass diese alternativen Quellen werden nicht berücksichtigt und entwickelt, bis die Politiker und die Öffentlichkeit erkennen, dass es für ein anderes wünschenswert Ausgaben möglich ist, gegen die Verfassung und die natürlichen Rechte der Steuerzahler;

Das durch eine Verfassungsänderung, können die Amerikaner und sollten von den ständigen Kontrollen zu verlangen, dass nur bestimmte gegebenenfalls rechtmäßigen Ausgaben können immer noch durch traditionelle, obligatorische Steuern finanziert werden ....

XI.

In Bezug auf Kontemplation und Vorsicht:

Das umsichtige Politik erfordert eine unparteiische Prüfung des Sachverhalts, gebührend berücksichtigt werden und eine gesunde Skepsis der Forderungen unserer Verbündeten und Gegnern, die Ablehnung von Ideologien und ihrer blendenden Effekte und eine Neigung zu testen, zu prüfen und zu beweisen unsere eigenen Schlüsse und Überzeugungen;

Dass die Formulierung der Politik sollten unsere Unfähigkeit, vorauszusagen, Unterbringung und beeinflussen das Verhalten anderer Menschen so gut wie wir vorhersagen und steuern das Verhalten der Dinge;

Das können wir nicht in vollem Umfang schätzen die Folgen unseres Handelns, und dass "Sudden und schlugen Reformen sind ebenso gefährlich wie plötzliche und Schleuderei Chirurgie;"

Dass nur wenige Entscheidungen wäre klug oder weniger konservativ als zu unserem Glück amerikanische Erbe wie unsere Verfassung und die Traditionen der Freiheit aufzugeben vertreten ....

XII.

Was Weisheit und Stärke, für Sicherheit, Freiheit und Frieden:

Das müssen wir America's nur Interessen zu verteidigen, die Erhaltung der Sicherheit und Freiheit für uns und unsere Nachkommen;

Das zu diesem Zweck keine Quelle der Kraft - auch herzhafte Diplomatie, strategische Solidität, den Willen und die Bereitschaft, militärische Gewalt einzusetzen, und alle anderen einfach und verfassungsmäßigen Mitteln - kann weise vernachlässigt werden;

Dass wir Gericht Katastrophe zu überschätzen, wenn wir unsere militärische Stärke, unvorsichtig falsch verwenden, oder Vernachlässigung aufrecht zu erhalten und zu stärken;

Das ist, wie die Bundesregierung sollte ihre Pflicht wirksam auf Freiheit, Gerechtigkeit zu wahren, und die Sicherheit für das amerikanische Volk - und ebenso unter Hinweis auf die Rolle Amerikas als ein Leuchtturm der Freiheit und Gerechtigkeit für die Welt - Sorgfalt und Vorsicht zu verwenden in der Feststellung, ob ein Einsatz militärischer Gewalt ist notwendig und sinnvoll;

Das ist unsere Fähigkeit, Gefahren abschrecken stützt sich auf unsere Stärke militärisch zu unserem Besitz der Intelligenz, Fähigkeiten und Ressourcen, die Kraft effektiv einsetzen, und die Sicherheit unserer Gegner ", dass Amerika Aggression Antwort wird entschieden, und

Das war das Ziel der Vereinigung alledem muss es sein, die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika zu halten, sofort, sicher, einfach, wohlhabend und frei.

Fertiggestellt in Indianapolis am zweiten Juli, im Jahr der amerikanischen Unabhängigkeit und Souveränität der Zweihundert vierunddreißigste, Anno Domini 2009.