On Unity

We, the conservatives, are not divided because each conservative faction believes so much, so strongly, so assertively, that we cannot possibly stand together.  We are divided because the ties of principle, which have held us together, have now dissolved.  We are divided because we now can have no confidence that other conservatives believe what we do, in the wake of the failure of many alleged conservatives to stand up for those beliefs and put them into effect.

Most of what is stated by the Twelve Points has been said before, at some point, but memories have faded, and most of us have “joined the program already in progress.”  We have to affirm, from time to time, that this really is what we believe, or we will wander too far away from it.

We have factions in practice, right now, but the conservative philosophy itself is still fairly united.  Most of the real conservatives who I know (which does not include those who arbitrarily categorize themselves without really knowing what they are talking about) hold many uniting beliefs.  When they ignore some of these principles, it is not necessarily because they actually disagree with them -- the principles still appeal to them.  Sometimes, I am convinced, they abandon some of the principles because those principles have assumed a lower profile and fallen out of circulation.

We can restore the ties that helped to hold the movement together!  These principles are right, of course.  By reviewing and remembering them now, we will restore what conservatives had in common, thereby contributing significantly to the reunification of the conservative movement.

Other guidance

In addition to the Twelve Points (which are my priority, of course, for the near future), I would eventually like to compile a similar statement on the temperament of a solid conservative.  The following is an example of the kind of point that it would make:

"Ultra-hyperbole is not conservative."

Origin of the Twelve Points

At this point, readers may wonder who is behind this project, where the Twelve Points came from, and who their author is.  This post is the answer to these questions.

I am Karl Born, the author of the Twelve Points.  I wrote the Twelve Points and created this blog, though there were many people along the way whose help has been indispensible.

I wrote the Twelve Points because at some point in 2007, I realized that the current level of philosophical confusion in the conservative movement (which I believe was no better then than it is now) might be helped by the right kind of statement of principles.  This statement would need to cut through this fog, resonate with all conservatives, refresh their (/our) memory of conservative ideas and philosophy, and help newer conservatives to gain (from the beginning) a firm grasp of the breadth and depth of the conservative objectives and principles.

It also occurred to me that widespread conservative affirmation of such a summary of conservative philosophy could help to heal and reunite the conservative movement.  In the years leading up to this, the conservatives most concerned with freedom, the Constitution, the rule of law, and related issues concerning the size and cost of government were given reason to question how much weight, if any, many conservatives actually gave to these principles.  (For this reason, some of these freedom enthusiasts no longer even call themselves conservatives, even though individual liberty and its constitutional protections are unambiguously a conservative principle.  What could be less conservative than for Americans to abandon this fortunate heritage of liberty?)  This was not the only important division in the conservative community; there were others.

To me, however, each of these divisions appeared to have resulted from a similar cause: constituencies of conservatives were violating the principles most important to the others, even where I would have expected the principles to appeal to the very groups violating them, and even though the conservative principles work best in concert.  If all conservatives were to review and reaffirm all of these principles at once, refreshing their own dedication to those principles, couldn't that help to pull these conservative groups back together?  A superficial, ceremonial reunion would be useless, but if conservatives from all of these factions would willingly, earnestly, and publicly reaffirm their sincere support of these principles, I do think that they would make a point of actually keeping those principles.

As a sophomore at Indiana University - Bloomington in 2001, I began to organize a conservative student organization, Grand Old Cause, which eventually adopted the statement of principles shown in the picture: the Seven Points.  Later (back in 2007), I realized that the Seven Points would not quite provide the certainty and substance that the larger conservative movement needed, and I gradually began to consider writing a new Seven Points-like statement on conservatism.

In March 2008, I finally decided to follow through and write a first draft of the Twelve Points.  Once I had done this, I wanted to be sure that I had not missed anything essential, so I tracked down and read every conservative book and every existing conservative statement of principles that I could find.  (As I researched, edited, and drafted the Twelve Points, the "Sharon Statement" of Young Americans for Freedom was an important influence on both the style and the substance.)

It was a long time before I was satisfied with what I had written, but in Indianapolis, during the afternoon of July 2, 2009, I made the final changes and completed the Twelve Points.

The only thing left to do was spread the word.  If you like the Twelve Points -- and I have no doubt that you will, once you read them -- I hope that you will join me in this final part of the project.

If you want to help, e-mail me at the12points@gmail.com or simply send people here on your own!

All the Pure, Concentrated Conservatism That Five Pages Can Hold

Even if conservatives become confused only as to the details of the philosophy, a good deal of damage can be done. In practice, every policy concerns the specific application of certain principles, and getting the details right often makes the difference between wise or unwise, just or unjust, and constitutional or unconstitutional.

Current events-oriented television and radio shows generally do not discuss the "big picture" of conservative philosophy and ideas. They focus on recent news (and usually news that would, in some way, excite or outrage the audience).

Unless and until a new conservative both 1) realizes just how much excellent conservative books could contribute to his or her understanding of conservatism and 2) actually reads a good number of those books, where will he find accessible, high-quality information on the conservative philosophy? How complete will his understanding of conservatism be?

Then, once a conservative has developed a strong understanding of conservatism, he or she will occasionally need to refresh his (or her) memory. Is re-reading each of those books the best way to do this?

No five-page document could communicate all of this information. The Twelve Points, however, are a highly-detailed, highly-concentrated five page summary of conservative thought. They can go where no book (or library full of books) can go.

The Twelve Points will jump-start new conservatives' philosophical educations and refresh the memory of more seasoned conservatives. They will clear away conservative philosophical confusion and restore the strained ties holding the movement together.

In short, this is as much pure, concentrated conservatism as five pages can possibly hold. Popular conservatism needs this now more than ever. In order to return conservative ideas and thought to popular conservatism, read the Twelve Points and spread the word!

Why the Twelve Points Are Needed -- Regrettable Slogan Version

"It is time for Conservatism to take its vitamins."

(For better versions of "Why the Twelve Points Are Needed," try the "Short Version" or the "Very Short Version." You can also read the Twelve Points themselves.)

Veterans

Needless to say, most of what is discussed in the Twelve Points is possible, at least in part, because of the willingness of past and present veterans to take risks and make sacrifices in defense of the United States.  We, as Americans, and we, as free people, are fortunate that they would never collect in full on the debt that we owe to them.  Nevertheless, as selflessly as they have sought to serve, they must not be denied the simple reward of our gratitude.

To our veterans: You have our most emphatic gratitude.

Concerning "Big-Government Conservatives"

Is there not a need for us, as conservatives, to declare and demonstrate for some of our fellow “conservatives” that there is no such thing as a "big-government conservative" -- other than in the same sense that "fool's gold" is a type of gold?

Is there not a need for us to confirm that the rest of us understand -- to some degree of detail -- what the effect of this assertion should be: what a genuine ally of freedom believes and in what areas such an ally should hope to reduce government in the short-term, the long-term, and the ideal scenario?

Is there not a need for us to confirm and demonstrate (for our fellow conservatives, among others) that American conservatives believe that every branch, department, or agent of our governments is bound by our Constitution and must be closely monitored and assertively supervised by the governed?

Is there not a need for us to refresh the memory of many conservatives as to the many reasons for these “small-government” positions?

To accomplish this, should we not now propose a statement of such conservative ideas and then widely adopt and affirm it?

Strategy to implement conservative principles

Is there not a need to form long-term plans for implementing conservative principles in policy – a task that cannot be completed until we address confusion as to what those principles are?

Stating outright the conservative opposition to racism

Should we, as conservatives, not only confirm that we oppose racism but also state outright, in unison, our intention of acting effectively to combat it?

Stating outright the conservative view on environmental issues

Should we, as conservatives, state outright and in unison what we should already know but many of us cannot remember -- that the conservative view on the environment is that law concerning it should be shaped by the same considerations that shape any just, reasonable body of law?

Whether the need to be served by the Twelve Points is already satisfied

Are existing statements of conservative principle (as valuable as many of them are, for their own reasons) not inadequate to provide clear guidance on the very issues where the conservative community, as of late, has demonstrated confusion?

We can make this happen

Decisive conservative support for the Twelve Points would establish that genuine conservatism is still the dominant philosophy of this movement.

It would further demonstrate that this conservative support is for well-defined ideas, which we expect our representatives to understand, implement, and keep. This conservative support, we will establish, is not just for a list of slogans, keywords, vague themes.

We will remind our representatives -- and ourselves -- that exciting slogans are no substitute for genuine, robust, substantive conservatism.

We can make this happen.

Do you like the Twelve Points?  If you like the Twelve Points, then spread the word.

Conservatives' clarity with respect to the pro-life position

Would the conservative movement not benefit from a summary of the conservative philosophy, which could be easily placed in front of and read by every American conservative, which expresses and explains the pro-life position in such a way that it should be persuasive even to many of those who reject the religious arguments or scorn “traditional values”?

Conservatives' clarity with respect to constitutional interpretation

Would the conservative movement not benefit from a summary of the conservative philosophy which presents new conservatives with an accurate introduction to the conservative view on constitutional interpretation?

Conservatives' clarity with respect to economics and property rights

Would the conservative movement not benefit from a summary of the conservative philosophy that re-emphasizes conservative support for various categories of free-market policies (including some that self-described conservatives have ignored, when convenient) while encouraging the average conservative to pursue and master the study of Economics? Would the conservative movement not also benefit from a summary of the conservative philosophy which efficiently teaches new conservatives about the source, operation, and importance of property rights?

Conservatives' clarity with respect to liberty and justice

Would the conservative movement not benefit from a summary of the conservative philosophy which presents new conservatives with a coherent explanation of the conservative understanding of justice, of which individual liberty is a central element?

"Up to speed"

Is there not a need for conservatives to have a more reliable, efficient means than we have now of bringing new conservatives “up to speed?”

Does the current process not leave new conservatives with a choice between a long, obscure, initially incomprehensible, substantially unrealistic intellectual path and an easier path paved largely with sound-bites, slogans, and intellectual junk-food from the wrong parts of the internet?

Is it not true that even the higher-quality parts of that "easier path," which includes mostly content focused on current events, does not efficiently convey the fundamentals of the conservative philosophy?

As valuable as the volumes of books concerning conservatism are, could any book be so concise and available that its length or unavailability would not limit its usefulness in giving new conservatives a roadmap and a head-start?

Would it not be valuable for conservatives to tout and circulate a concise summary, available online, which introduces its reader to the best of conservatism and could jump-start a new conservative's intellectual journey?

If you answered "yes,"

You Will Like the Twelve Points.

Spread the Word

If you like the Twelve Points, spread the word!

Fair questions, at least until we reaffirm our principles, clarify our objectives, and begin to discuss long-term conservative strategy

Once we, as conservatives, review and reaffirm our principles and clarify our objectives (which the Twelve Points are meant to help us to do), we will be able to properly plan for the future. The following are a few questions for those who question whether this is needed:

• What have we done to ensure that the next attempt at conservative governance will avoid the same fate as the "Republican Revolution" of the mid-1990s, when Republicans fought for a balanced budget, reduced spending, and smaller government, and when their flesh was subsequently scattered by Democrats?

• What have we done to ensure that the next attempt at conservative governance will avoid the same fate as the Republican-controlled government of 2001-2007 (or, arguably, of 2003-2007), whose failures were not limited to the loss of elections?

• Have we firmly agreed which items of federal spending should be cut, in what order they should be cut, and how we will accomplish that, politically, in the real world?

• Do we know what will be required of us to restore the Constitution and the rule of law -- not in theory or in a dream, but in the next several decades?

• Do we know that our fellow "conservatives" agree with and understand the conservative conception of freedom and limited government?

• Do we know that our fellow conservatives understand the myriad arguments for and applications of that philosophy?

• Do we recognize that "big-government conservatism" is a sub-type of conservatism only to the extent that "fool's gold" is a sub-type of gold?

• Have we decided how to ensure that the "conservatives" who we work to elect really are conservative?

• Will our lack of focus and foresight continue to force conservatives to choose between winning elections and governing well?

The Twelve Points -- Just the "Points"

These twelve subjects are the “points” of the Twelve Points – but if you only know these slogans, you're missing the best of it! Read the topics below, then read the Twelve Points in full! www.the12points.com/2009/06/twelve-points.html.

1. Equality and Justice;
2. Individual Liberty;
3. The United States Constitution and the Rule of Law;
4. Life;
5. Private Property Rights;
6. The Free Market and Economic Prosperity;
7. Individuality and Unity;
8. Conservation;
9. Restraint and Reversal of Government Growth;
10. Justice in Taxation;
11. Contemplation and Prudence; and
12. Wisdom and Strength, for Freedom, Security, and Peace.

Conservatism: Many Principles, One Philosophy

The common view of conservatism as two, distinct "economic" and "social" brands of conservatism is mistaken. This nevertheless seems to be the default understanding of conservatism, so it is common to hear those who accept this analysis claim that conservatism has a fractured identity. They rightly observe that conservatism would be incoherent if it favored, as they claim, liberty in economic matters but government intervention in "social" matters. However, theirs is not a proper description of conservatism.

It may be useful to think of conservatives as broken into two "conservative constituencies," as Reagan recommended, and it might be argued that those presently are accurate descriptions of the characteristics of these constituencies. However, we should not confuse conservatism with today's defective popular expression of conservatism. Even if it has been misunderstood by some conservatives, the conservative philosophy survives -- and it is not confounded by such an inexplicable split.

Conservatism integrates and reconciles between five and eight (depending on how they are designated) great conservative themes. To those who know conservatism best, this is the one, true conservatism with which they are familiar -- one philosophy with many principles. It is also the conservatism of the Twelve Points. This conservatism is not yet (or "again," arguably) conscious as a political force, but it draws together a well-developed understanding of liberty and justice, respect and passion for the United States Constitution and the rule of law, an understanding of and a desire to protect and revive economic freedom, an understanding of the dangers of "big government" (which compound as government expands), prudence (or "caution") and a particular unwillingness to abandon our fortunate heritage as Americans: the institutions and traditions of liberty. It also includes "Peace Through [Many Forms Of] Strength" and emphasis on the individual -- including the need to preserve individual responsibility and voluntary association.

A person who believes in one of these conservative principles is not only the natural ally of people who believe in others -- his own philosophy would be better and more complete if he would learn and integrate the other principles into his thinking.


It may be true, as the conventional wisdom holds, that there are now a number of "conservatives" who make senseless categorical exceptions to our principle of individual freedom. It may also be true that their interest in our other principles is lacking. If so, however, there is a fuller, better conservatism waiting to be discovered by them -- or offered to them, if we use the Twelve Points well.

The Twelve Points Are Unique

In the past year, many conservatives have offered their own proposals to explain what they think conservatism should be. The Twelve Points, however, are unique.

• First, the Twelve Points are not a policy agenda or manifesto – they take an important step that is ordinarily overlooked, informing readers about conservative principles and settling matters of principle before attempting to apply those principles. A discussion of end-policy proposals is necessary as well, but the Twelve Points are instead focused on filling an important gap – reinforcing the philosophical framework for approaching the issues.
• Second, the Twelve Points are not (by themselves) meant to sell conservatism to the public; they are meant to reintroduce conservative principles and thought to popular conservatism. This should bolster the popularity of conservatism, but the primary audience of the Twelve Points is conservatives themselves.
• Third, because the Twelve Points encourage a more complete understanding of conservatism, they discourage conservatives from exalting certain, different principles over the rest. This will help to truly reunite conservatism, instead of simply holding a coalition of insular factions together for another couple of elections.
• Fourth, the Twelve Points allow conservatives to demonstrate the extent to which American conservatives believe that the “true,” meritorious conservatism is that which is described in the Twelve Points rather than one of the regrettable anti-liberty, hysterical, or intellectually-anemic mutant variations.
• Fifth, by allowing conservatives the opportunity to clarify and confirm that these are indeed the principles and objectives of conservatism, the Twelve Points lay the foundation for the construction of long-term plans to advance these principles and achieve these objectives.
  

To serve the last three of these purposes (and to a lesser extent, the first two), the Twelve Points rely entirely on the vocal, visible backing of American conservatives themselves. Their existence does not urge or establish a conservative consensus – only the widespread endorsement of conservatives can do this. Their existence alone will not cause their lessons to be learned – only by enthusiastically circulating them can conservatives cause this to be.

For these reasons, the principal question is now posed to you once again:

Do you like the Twelve Points?

Do you like the Twelve Points?

For those who are just now joining us, the standing question is: "Do you like the Twelve Points?"

Read the Twelve Points.

Decide for yourself.

Spread the word!

Tell your conservative friends to visit this site at www.the12points.com, or to jump directly to the Twelve Points page at http://the12points.com/2009/06/twelve-points.html.

Memory

Is it possible that much of what divides these conservative factions is nothing more than blindness -- a heightened focus on one or two conservative principles (or parts of them, or variations on them) that causes a conservative to overlook the remaining principles?

Many "conservatives" do not seem to have been properly familiarized with all of our principles in the first place. The situation, however, is not irremediable. Conservatives, regardless of which of the principles they favor, are already predisposed to understand and appreciate the rest. We can show our fellow conservatives that each of these principles is best served when all of the principles are given attention. Additionally, we can remind them of related considerations that are helpful in properly understanding and implementing those principles.

To unify conservatives, we will not abandon our principles. Instead, we will remember our principles, return lost truths to popular circulation, and continue to develop and build on this solid foundation.

(What are those principles? They are stated at length in the Twelve Points.)

Why the Twelve Points Are Needed -- Very Short Version

The conservative movement has become confused and aimless. Certain essential conservative principles and considerations have faded from memory and lost their influence. The Twelve Points will help to solve this problem by reminding us of conservative thinking that we may not have considered recently, and by making that thinking available to new, developing conservatives.

Do you like the Twelve Points? If you do, then spread the word.

These are not the last days of freedom in America

These are not the last days of freedom in America. The successes and sacrifices of generations of Americans have made the dangers they faced, to us, nothing but a distant memory. We have the luxury of feeling daunted by our mere political challenges only because of the sacrifices they made for victory in the face of far greater threats.

As important as these political matters are, how can we be hopeless when we face them in an America that is, however imperfectly, still substantially free? It is our duty to study, develop, communicate, and ultimately apply the wisdom that has been left to us. If we fail, we will not have failed because success was impossible.

Why the Twelve Points Are Needed -- Short Version

This is a problem that needs to be solved -- the conservative movement has become confused, fractured, and ineffective.

Among the causes of this problem, one is particularly important: Conservative philosophy and thought are communicated (both to fledgling and veteran conservatives) in a way that is ineffective in keeping a large number of our principles and important considerations actively in circulation at once. Essential principles (and widespread understanding of them) have eroded over time, for this reason, and wisdom has been lost.

In addition to this loss, the erosion has caused conservatives to divide and disperse. Previously, whatever their primary concerns were, conservatives were united because they realized that in this country, if not elsewhere, certain ideas work best in concert: economic freedom, freedom as an element of justice, our Constitution and the rule of law, the traditions of liberty, maintenance of military strength, “prudence,” and the responsible behavior and independence of individuals, families, and voluntary associations. Each of these is best served when all are taken together. A conservative who cares about any of them must be attentive to all of them. The result is not just a practical political alliance -- it is (or should be) a true unification. When factions of conservatives have forgotten, neglected, or abandoned some of these concerns, however, disunity results.

The Twelve Points are a step toward solving these problems. They summarize these conservative considerations and principles, tie them together, and submit them to conservatives for their (or "our") consideration. By reaffirming and communicating them, we can use the Twelve Points to re-infuse popular conservatism with the rich intellectual heritage of the conservative philosophy itself. Once we have done so, we will be ready to face the greater challenge before us –- promoting that philosophy, further developing specific policy proposals that would implement conservative reform, considering what we need to do in order to put those proposals to use, and, finally, taking action.

In conclusion, let us simplify the questions now posed to conservatives as a result of this submission of the Twelve Points:

Do you like the Twelve Points?

Should your friends like the Twelve Points, too?

The TWELVE POINTS

We, the conservatives of the United States of America, in order to guide and strengthen the conservative movement, to create a standard to which we can hold ourselves and our fellow conservatives, and to allow ourselves to better serve our country and the world, state and affirm these twelve essential principles:

I.

Concerning EQUALITY AND JUSTICE:

That justice is founded on the understanding that “all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights,” and that all just rights obtain their just character from this equal creation and endowment;

That as the arbitrary use of force is a departure from this principle, an internally-ordered right to liberty is an essential component of justice;

That when individuals unite to form a government, they do not surrender their rights, but instead grant their government the qualified permission to ascertain and keep the just boundaries of their liberty, which are to be defined by law, by their elected representatives, and in accordance with their constitution;

That in every government rests a sacred and immutable duty to secure and respect the rights of the governed, to guarantee equality before the law, and to preserve the rule of law....

II.

Concerning INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY:

That the right of individual liberty is naturally and internally ordered, as arbitrary coercion is a destroyer of liberty, not an expression of it;

That an individual has liberty if he is left undisturbed in the use of his God-given free will, but restrained from intruding on the equal liberty and genuine rights of others;

That beyond its proper role as a guardian of our rights, and regardless of its laudable objectives or humanitarian purposes, little of the work of government justifies its characteristic use of threats, commands, and forceful intrusions -- and their use, when unjustified, is injustice;

That only criminals should ever be treated as such;

That tributes to the name of Liberty are empty platitudes unless others are left free to act, and also to refuse to act, even in ways that we find unpleasant, irresponsible, or immoral without being subject to threatened or actual force;

That, nevertheless, the success of a free society depends on the virtues willingly practiced by its people, and on their choices, as individuals, to assume control of their lives and to use their freedom responsibly;

That a person's spiritual and moral development cannot be effectively or justly directed by governments, and that virtue cannot survive without liberty any more than liberty can flourish without virtue....

 III.

Concerning THE UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION and the RULE OF LAW:

That the the rule of law is superior to the “rule of men,” as it allows the decisive will of the governed, manifested as a constitutional provision, to guard against future leaders' lack of wisdom, prudence, and justice;

That the preservation of liberty depends on the effective restraint and regulation of government power, and that the effectiveness of these controls depends on the determination and effort of the governed to understand and honor them;

That the ingenious design of the United States Constitution is well-suited to this purpose, limiting the powers of the federal government, separating those powers between its three branches, prescribing the procedures through which those powers are to be used, and proscribing the most dangerous abuses;

That to preserve it in this crucial role, the Constitution must be acknowledged in practice, as it is universally in word, as the “supreme law of the land,” binding on the federal branches and the several states alike;

That the Constitution must be interpreted honestly and applied faithfully; that a legitimate constitutional interpretation is the plausible product of a sincere attempt, beginning with and emphasizing the constitutional text, to determine its original meaning;

That upon entering into association to form a government, the governed take a valuable right to constitutional government, and that to ignore the Constitution for the sake of convenience violates and squanders this right;

That mankind has yet to discover all of the ways by which constitutions can be used to restrain, shape, and improve government, and Americans should explore, carefully consider, and cautiously implement options that would strengthen the Constitution in its useful purpose....

 IV.

Concerning LIFE:

That all human life is sacred, and that intrusion on the right to life is the most complete, absolute, and irreversible form of coercion conceivable, denying another human being even the modicum of freedom to be left to continue to exist;

That as all humans possess a right to life, the task of defining “personhood” must be confronted, not indefinitely deferred for its perceived difficulty;

That in considering the status of the unborn, the danger lies not in the possibility that we will be unduly generous in recognizing their humanity -- the humanity of members of our species, separated by mere months from universal recognition and the protection of law -- but in the possibility that we will be too stingy; that personhood, which indisputably begins well before birth, should be recognized from conception....

 V.

Concerning PRIVATE PROPERTY RIGHTS:

That the institution of private property must be preserved and honored, as it complements our natural liberty and independence, while its alternatives would make us needlessly dependent on the will of others;

That for the futile, contrary interests of each person in the commons of the Earth, property rights substitute -- through the division and organization of those interests -- widespread opportunity to possess, instead, a meaningful right: ownership of the soil under one's own feet, on which one's house stands, and which the owner can rightfully use and enjoy as he chooses;

That the power of eminent domain should never be used to take private property other than for public use, and it should be eschewed for any purpose that is not genuinely necessary to allow governments to serve their just and appropriate functions;

That property rights are invaluable as the foundation of a free market economy, which is itself a prerequisite to meaningful realization of the general right to liberty....

 VI.

Concerning THE FREE MARKET and ECONOMIC PROSPERITY:

That the free market is simultaneously an expression of liberty, a necessary condition to the effective use of liberty, and the best economic system to nourish vigorous economic growth and meet the material needs of human beings -- and, as a result, the free market has no tolerable substitute;

That governments must maintain economic freedom through low tax rates, free trade, preservation of the freedom of contract, stable monetary policy, balanced budgets, fiscal restraint, honest budgeting, respect for the investment of private property, and by avoiding unnecessary and unnecessarily burdensome regulation;

That the survival of economic freedom depends on the prevalence of the understanding that the free market not only is the best economic system, but also why it is the best, how it works, when it is its least effective, and why the fallacies invoked against it are fallacious;

That in an excessively regulated economy, deregulation is necessary surgery, but the success of free-market reformers' surgical separation of government and the market depends on their thorough understanding of the anatomy of the economy;

That this right to pursue material security, independence, and happiness deserves special care, but no person is owed the involuntary assistance of others in this pursuit, or in place of it....

 VII.

Concerning INDIVIDUALITY AND UNITY:

That conservatives must not only oppose racism, which is a corruption of society and a grave threat to justice, but must also take an active interest in solving and eliminating this problem;

That the solution begins with a resolute promotion of justice and equality before the law -- both in word and in fact -- and with each of us, as individuals, guarding the rights of others as we would guard our own;

That unity, though not artificial uniformity, is a means as much as a goal in America's pursuit of racial reconciliation, and that the purposeful division of peers over immaterial inheritable differences is an affront to individuality and a threat to unity....

 VIII.

Concerning CONSERVATION:

That conservation policy should be shaped by the same familiar principles and purposes that should guide all government action, based on sound science and harmonized with individual liberty, private property rights, the rule of law, and the critical needs of our economy;

That private ownership of resources, which tends to unite control over them with the consequences of mismanaging them, is preferable to common ownership and management and is the ideal model for policies to protect resources that cannot be privately owned....

 IX.

Concerning the RESTRAINT AND REVERSAL OF GOVERNMENT GROWTH:

That when government grows beyond its appropriate bounds, it foments a malignancy more dangerous than its separate elements;

That “as government expands, liberty contracts”;

That centralized funding centralizes power;

That regardless of its professed humanitarian motives, the powers of government are founded in force, and even the best governments pose a substantial threat to the very rights that they are instituted to protect;

That government programs, once established, tend to remain, regardless of whether they remain effective and regardless of the harm they come to inflict;

That the myriad of small but unjustified government expenditures cannot be separately defended by pointing out the relative insignificance of each of them alone, as the dollar is no less valuable when it is counted in pennies;

That no government the size, density, and complexity of the United States federal government can be made so transparent that the governed can effectively monitor and control it;

That governments are not subject to the perfecting forces of supply and demand, and that a democratic constitution, though essential, is inadequate to wrest adequacy from government;

That regardless of what is promised of it, the use of expanded government authority will be shaped by politics and corruption;

That government reform, private competition, and individual freedom often succeed where increased government spending and power fail;

That as there is no end to the promised benefits of government intrusion, there is no enterprise or personal sphere of freedom that is not ultimately at risk of being bled of its value or driven from existence;

That the government cannot control an economy without controlling people, and that in controlling people, “it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose”;

That freedom and its benefits are most endangered when Americans are severally bribed into selling not only their own freedom, but also that of their neighbors;

That when it relieves families and voluntary associations of their traditional responsibilities by supplanting them in their invaluable role, a government can extinguish blessings that no government can replace;

That government must be both meaningfully restrained by law and assertively supervised by the governed....

 X.

Concerning JUSTICE IN TAXATION:

That among the compelling grounds for low tax rates are the known and demonstrated economic benefits, the unconstitutionality of certain expenditures that taxes fund, and the sense that people who live responsibly, save, and work hard should keep as much as possible of their reward for doing so;

That taxes are, however, also an issue of justice, as taxes are obligatory and collected under the threat of harsh penalties, and these taxes ought not to be levied to fund government expenditures that cannot justify such threats;

That while some government functions deserve the support of all Americans, primarily in the provision of security and the securing of justice, to fund other legitimate, constitutional governmental functions, taxes should be designed to charge the willful beneficiaries of a government expenditure in proportion to the benefits that they receive from it;

That when the injustice of other expenditures cannot be resolved by eliminating the offending expenditures, their funding should be restricted to sources of revenue that are not compulsory in the traditional sense, and that do not leverage taxpayers' rights without their individual prior consent in order to compel them to pay;

That these alternative sources will not be considered and developed until politicians and the public recognize that it is possible for an otherwise desirable expenditure to violate the Constitution and the natural rights of taxpayers;

That by constitutional amendment, Americans can and should impose permanent controls requiring that only certain appropriate, lawful expenditures may ever be funded by traditional, compulsory taxation....

 XI.

Concerning CONTEMPLATION AND PRUDENCE:

That prudent policymaking requires an impartial examination of the relevant facts, due consideration and a healthy skepticism of the claims of our allies and opponents alike, the rejection of ideologies and their blinding effects, and an inclination to test, examine, and prove our own conclusions and beliefs;

That the formulation of policy should accommodate our inability to predict and affect the behavior of other people as well as we predict and control the behavior of things;

That we may not fully appreciate the consequences of our actions, and that “Sudden and slashing reforms are as perilous as sudden and slashing surgery;”

That few decisions would be less prudent or conservative than to abandon our fortunate American heritage as represented by our Constitution and the traditions of liberty....

 XII.

Concerning WISDOM AND STRENGTH, for SECURITY, FREEDOM, AND PEACE:

That we must defend America's just interests, preserving security and freedom for ourselves and our posterity;

That to this end, no source of strength -- including hearty diplomacy, strategic soundness, the will and preparedness to use military force, and all other just and constitutional resources -- may be wisely neglected;

That we court catastrophe when we overestimate our military strength, imprudently misspend it, or neglect to sustain and reinforce it;

That, as the federal government ought to be effective in its duty to preserve liberty, justice, and security for the American people -- and recalling also America's role as a beacon of liberty and justice for the world -- care and caution must be used in determining whether a use of military force is necessary and wise;

That our ability to deter threats rests on our strength militarily, our possession of the intelligence, skill, and resources to wield that strength effectively, and our adversaries' certainty that America will answer aggression decisively; and

That the uniting goal of all of the foregoing must be to keep the United States of America, at once, secure, just, prosperous, and free.

Completed in Indianapolis on the Second of July, in the Year of American Sovereignty and Independence the Two Hundred Thirty-fourth, Anno Domini 2009.

The Theme

"Voices were raised saying that we had to look to our past for the greatness and glory. But we, the present-day Americans, are not given to looking backward. In this blessed land, there is always a better tomorrow.  Four years ago, I spoke to you of a New Beginning, and we have accomplished that.  But in another sense, our New Beginning is a continuation of that beginning created two centuries ago when, for the first time in history, government, the people said, was not our master, it is our servant; its only power that which we the people allow it to have."

-Ronald Reagan, Second Inaugural Address